[1] “Government bills put through Commons,” Globe (29 April 1911) and “What Parliament has done so far,” Globe (22 May 1911). I would like to thank Alan MacEachern for his comments on an earlier draft of this introduction.

[2] House of Commons, Debates, 9 May 1911, column 8666; An Act respecting Forest Reserves and Parks, Statutes of Canada 1–2 Geo. V., chap. 10.

[3] Department of the Interior, Annual Report for the fiscal year ending March 31, 1912, J.B. Harkin, “Report of the Commissioner of Dominion Parks,” Sessional Paper no. 25 (1913); E.J. Hart, J.B. Harkin: Father of Canada’s National Parks (Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 2010).

[4] M.B. Williams, Guardians of the Wild (London: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1936), 138.

[5] Annual Report of the Department of the Interior for the year 1886, Part I: Dominion Lands, Sessional Paper no. 7 (Ottawa, 1887), 9.

[6] Van Horne saw tourist revenue as a way to pay for the astronomical costs of the transcontinental construction project. See, for example, Walter Vaughan, The Life and Work of Sir William Van Horne (New York: Century, 1920) 151, and E.J. Hart, The Selling of Canada: The CPR and the Beginnings of Canadian Tourism (Banff: Altitude, 1983) 7, and “See this world before the next: Tourism and the CPR,” in The CPR West: The iron road and the making of a nation, ed. Hugh A. Dempsey, 151 (Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre, 1984). Prime Minister John A. Macdonald shared this point of view, telling the House of Commons that a park at the Banff hot springs would “recuperate the patients, and recoup the Treasury.” House of Commons, Debates, 3 May 1887.

[7] House of Commons, Debates, 13 January 1911.

[8] With jurisdiction over the vast federal territories in the northwest, Interior’s portfolios included federal lands, Indian Affairs, the Geological Survey and the Dominion Survey, immigration, leases for homestead lands, timber, ranching, and mining, reclamation and water, the Forest Service, and, from 1911, the Parks Branch.

[9] See Peter Murphy, “‘Following the Base of the Foothills’: Tracing the Boundaries of Jasper Park and its Adjacent Rocky Mountains Forest Reserve,” in Culturing Wilderness in Jasper National Park: Studies in Two Centuries of Human History in the Upper Athabasca River Watershed, ed. I.S. MacLaren, 71–122 (Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 2007).

[10] Paul Kopas, Taking the Air: Ideas and Change in Canada’s National Parks (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2007), 29; J.B. Harkin, “Report of the Commissioner,” Annual Report of the Department of the Interior, 1919, Sessional Paper no. 25 (Ottawa, 1920), 3–4.

[11] These were Menissawok (1914–30) in Saskatchewan and Wawaskesy (1914–38) and Nemiskam (1915–47) in Alberta, all of which were renamed national parks in 1922. This is the first and last time we see the use of aboriginal names until the creation of Kejimkujik National Park in Nova Scotia in 1968. Also see Jennifer Brower, Lost Tracks: Buffalo National Park, 1909–1939 (Edmonton: AU Press, 2008), for the story of another wildlife preserve (1908–47) that was eventually eliminated.

[12] Williams, Guardians of the Wild, 136–37.

[13] C.J. Taylor, “Legislating Nature: The National Parks Act of 1930,” in To See Ourselves / To Save Ourselves: Ecology and Culture in Canada, ed. Rowland Lorimer et al., 125–37 (Montreal: Association for Canadian Studies, 1991); also Taylor, Negotiating the Past: The Making of Canada’s National Historic Parks and Sites (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1990).

[14] For more on this, see Shaun Fluker, “Ecological integrity and the law: The view from Canada’s National Parks,” Parks for Tomorrow 40th Anniversary Conference, Calgary, Alberta, 8–12 May 2008.

[15] See Alan MacEachern, Natural Selections: National Parks in Atlantic Canada, 1935–1970 (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2001). Another study of the interwar period is Bill Waiser’s Park Prisoners: The Untold Story of Western Canada’s National Parks, 1915–1946 (Calgary: Fifth House, 1995).

[16] Ethan Carr, Mission 66: Modernism and the National Park dilemma (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press in association with Library of American Landscape History, 2007); Richard West Sellars, Preserving Nature in the National Parks: A History (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1997).

[17] Kopas, Taking the Air, 37–66.

[18] Jean Chrétien, Straight from the Heart (Toronto: Key Porter, 1985), 68.

[19] Catriona Mortimer-Sandilands argues strongly for the nationalist message in park creation and presentation throughout the twentieth century, even after “the ecological turn.” See “The Cultural Politics of Ecological Integrity: Nature and Nation in Canada’s National Parks, 1885–2000,” International Journal of Canadian Studies 39/40 (2009): 161–89. On the System Plan, see the National Parks System Plan, 3d ed. (Hull, QC: Canadian Heritage and Parks Canada, 1997); http://www.pc.gc.ca/eng/docs/v-g/nation/nation1.aspx. The Agency’s stated goal remains to have at least one national park and one national marine conservation area in each of Canada’s terrestrial and marine regions; currently 28 of the 39 terrestrial regions and 3 of the 29 marine regions are represented. See Parks Canada Agency Corporate Plan, 2009/10–2013/14/Agence Parcs Canada plan d’entreprise, 2009–2010 à 2013–2014 (Gatineau, QC: Parks Canada, 2009), 6. http://www.pc.gc.ca/eng/docs/pc/plans/plan2008-2009/sec1/page01.aspx.) (However, in 1989, CPAWS and World Wildlife Canada complicated the neat jigsaw visual by launching an Endangered Spaces campaign, which called for protecting sample landscapes in 350 regions). In 2010, Parks Canada proposed two future parks, both in Eastern Canada: Mealy Mountains, Labrador, as representative of the “East Coast Boreal Natural Region,” and Sable Island, Nova Scotia. In the west, a memorandum of understanding with the province of British Columbia in 2003 enabled Parks to undertake a feasibility study for a park in the “Interior Dry Plateau Region” in the south Okanagan Valley, to be called the South Okanagan–Lower Similkameen National Park Reserve.

[20 ]For a view of how this affected parks practice within the agency, see David Neufeld, “The development of community-based cultural research and management programs: The Canadian Parks Service (CPS) experience in the northwest,” Canadian Oral History Association Journal 12 (1992): 30–33.

[21] Parks Canada uses this definition of ecological integrity: “‘An ecosystem has integrity when it is deemed characteristic for its natural region, including the composition and abundance of native species and biological communities, rates of change and supporting processes.’ In plain language, ecosystems have integrity when they have their native components (plants, animals and other organisms) and processes (such as growth and reproduction) intact.” Panel on the Ecological Integrity of Canada’s National Parks, Unimpaired for Future Generations? Conserving Ecological Integrity with Canada’s National Parks (Ottawa, 2000). It was established as paramount in the 1988 National Parks Act and the 1994 Parks Canada Guiding Principles and Operational Policies, which also acknowledged the importance of ecosystem health outside of park boundaries and introduced new categories of designation, including national marine conservation areas.

[22] David Bernard et al., State of the Banff–Bow Valley, prepared for Banff-Bow Valley Study (Banff, 1996); State of the Parks Report, especially for 1997 and 1999 (Parks Canada, 1998 and 2000) – continued as State of Protected Heritage Areas, reported in 2005 and 2007; Unimpaired for Future Generations? (2000).

[23] While some agencies were related to Parks Canada, primarily in its historic sites mandate – notably Library and Archives Canada, and the National Battlefields Commission – the Department of Canadian Heritage is responsible for a primarily cultural portfolio, including, for example, the national museums, film and television, cultural property, and public servants. On the Parks Canada Agency, see An Act to Establish the Parks Canada Agency S.C. 31 (1998).

[24] I owe this idea to a point made by Catriona Mortimer-Sandilands in “Calypso Trails: Botanizing on the Bruce Peninsula,” Dalhousie Review 90, no. 1 (2010): 21. Also Parks Canada Agency charter (2002), http://www.pc.gc.ca/agen/chart/chartr_E.asp. The Agency’s recent insistence on “visitor experience” betrays its quasi-market concerns; Chief Executive Officer Alan Latourelle recently highlighted Parks Canada’s success in winning awards from the tourism industry. See Parks Canada Agency Corporate Plan, 2008/09–2012/13/Agence Parcs Canada plan d’entreprise, 2008–2009 à 2012–2013 (Gatineau, QC: Parks Canada, 2008), 5.

[25] Eric Higgs, “Twinning Reality, or how taking history seriously changes how we understand ecological restoration in Jasper National Park,” in Culturing Wilderness, ed. MacLaren, 292.

[26] At the 2008 conference, Alan MacEachern suggested that parks history actually was now more marginalized than it had been at the original “Parks for Tomorrow” conference forty years before. MacEachern, “Writing the History of Canadian Parks: Past, Present, and Future,” Parks for Tomorrow 40th Anniversary Conference (Calgary, 2008) http://dspace.ucalgary.ca/bitstream/1880/46876/1/MacEachern.pdf. The 1968 conference proceedings were published as The Canadian National Parks: Today and Tomorrow, ed. J.G. Nelson and R.C. Scace (Calgary: National and Provincial Parks Association of Canada and the University of Calgary, 1969) and Canadian Parks in Perspective: Based on the Conference The Canadian National Parks: Today and Tomorrow, Calgary, October 1968, ed. J.G. Nelson with R.C. Scace (Montreal: Harvest House, 1970). R.C. Brown’s essay “The Doctrine of Usefulness,” from the 1968 conference, is one of the most cited for evidence of the exploitative or development-oriented agendas of early national parks, but a few years earlier A. Roger Byrne pointed to the diverse effects of human activity on a park in his M.Sc. thesis, “Man and landscape change in the Banff National Park area before 1911” (Calgary: University of Calgary, 1964). Brown’s criticism was amplified by Leslie Bella in Parks for Profit (Montreal: Harvest House, 1987). Rick Searle, in Phantom Parks: The Struggle to Save Canada’s National Parks (Toronto: Key Porter, 2000), expresses concern over parks’ long-term ecological integrity. On the other hand, the more prosaic institutional history is W.F. Lothian’s A Brief History of Canada’s National Parks (Ottawa: Environment Canada, 1987). Sid Marty, A Grand and Fabulous Notion: The First Century of Canada’s Parks (Toronto: NC Press, in co-operation with Cave and Basin Project, Parks Canada, and Supply and Services Canada, 1984), the centennial publication, is predictably celebratory in tone, as is Robert J. Burns with Mike Schintz, Guardians of the Wild: A History of the Warden Service of Canada’s National Parks (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 2000). Janet Foster’s Working for Wildlife: The Beginnings of Preservation in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1978, 1998) also looks favourably on the efforts of civil servants involved in wildlife policy. But the publication with the most public impact is likely the beautifully photographed National Parks of Canada by J.A. Kraulis and Kevin McNamee, rev. ed. (Toronto: Key Porter, 2004).

[27] Mark Fiege, Irrigated Eden: The Making of an Agricultural Landscape in the American West (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1999), 205. See also Richard White, “From Wilderness to Hybrid Landscapes: The Cultural Turn in Environmental History,” The Historian 66 (2004): 558. The “cultural turn” is apparent in the park history that has proliferated in Canada in recent years. Such work includes MacEachern, Natural Selections; the essays in MacLaren, ed., Culturing Wilderness; Kopas, Taking the Air; Bill Waiser, Saskatchewan’s Playground: A History of Prince Albert National Park (Saskatoon: Fifth House, 1989); John S. Marsh and Bruce W. Hodgins, ed., Changing Parks: The History, Future and Cultural Context of Parks and Heritage Landscapes (Toronto: Natural Heritage/Natural History, 1998); Lyle Dick, Muskox Land: Ellesmere Island in the Age of Contact (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 2001); George Colpitts, Game in the Garden: A Human History of Wildlife in Western Canada to 1940 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2002); John Sandlos, Hunters at the Margin: Native People and Wildlife Conservation in the Northwest Territories (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2007); C.J. Taylor, Jasper: A History of the Place and Its People (Calgary: Fifth House, 2009).

[28] As Alan MacEachern has argued elsewhere, “In attempting to make decisions, we may as well draw on the experiences of those who came before us, who may have had to make similar decisions. The past is by no means a sure guide to the future, but then again it is the only database we have.” “Writing the History of Canadian Parks” (2008), 2.

[29] Environmental history is somewhat unusual because it is often oriented toward public engagement, even political application. Catherine A. Christen and Lisa Mighetto, “Environmental History as Public History,” The Public Historian 26 (2004): 9–19.

[30] “An Interminable Ode,” National Parks Branch file, M.B. Williams papers, R12219-0-3-E, Library and Archives Canada [henceforth, “Williams papers, LAC”]. The poem’s misspellings and patchy punctuation have been corrected here for the sake of readability. The staff members mentioned in the passage above are James Bernard Harkin (“J.B.H.”), Maxwell Graham (“Maxwell”), Frederick Byshe (“Byshe”), Duncan Johnson (“Johnson”), Frank H.H. Williamson (“good F.H.W.”), Abraham Knechtel (“wise A.K.”), Fredericka Von Charles (“witty F.V.”), and M.B. Williams (“quiet M.B.”); all but Knechtel were with the Branch at its establishment in 1911. 

        This essay owes a great debt to Williams’ niece, Frances Girling, who passed away in 2010. Frances was in possession of her aunt’s personal papers until 2007, when I assisted her in donating them to Library and Archives Canada. She was very pleased that they were deemed of national interest. (Having had access to the papers before they were catalogued by LAC, and minimal contact with them since, I will reference the titles then listed on the files – titles they may no longer carry.) I wish to thank editor Claire Campbell and the other contributors to this volume, in particular Ian MacLaren, for their aid in writing this chapter. I also wish to acknowledge the assistance provided by the University of Western Ontario’s Academic Development Fund.

[31] M.B. Williams interview [henceforth, “Williams interview”], conducted by Ruth and Len Wertheimer, October 1969 and June 1970; in possession of the author.

[32] J.B. Harkin, The History and Meaning of the National Parks of Canada (Saskatoon: H.R. Larson, 1957), 5. The incident is cited, for example, in Janet Foster, Working for Wildlife: The Beginning of Preservation in Canada, 2nd ed. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998 [1974]), 78; Leslie Bella, Parks for Profit (Montreal: Harvest House, 1986), 61; and Paul Kopas, Taking the Air: Ideas and Change in Canada’s National Parks (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2007), vii.

[33] Canadian Parks and Wilderness Society, http://www.cpaws.org/about/harkin.php; accessed 30 September 2009. See also E.J. (Ted) Hart, J.B. Harkin: Father of Canada’s National Parks (Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 2010); and Gavin Henderson, “James Bernard Harkin: The Father of Canadian National Parks,” Borealis (Fall 1994): 28–33.

[34] The agency went through a number of names over its history, beginning with “Dominion Parks Branch” for its first decade. I tend to use “National Parks Branch” because that was its most common appellation prior to becoming Parks Canada in 1973.

[35] See Auditor-General, Annual Reports, 1911–30; C.J. Taylor, “A History of National Parks Administration,” unpublished manuscript (no pagination), 1989, table 1; and J.B. Harkin, Commissioner of National Parks, Annual Report, 1929–30, 99.

[36] This is an elaboration of an argument I made in Natural Selections: National Parks in Atlantic Canada, 1935–1970 (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2001), 25–33. Harkin’s biographer E.J. (Ted) Hart has taken exception to this interpretation, suggesting that by spotlighting the Branch, rather than its commissioner, I make Harkin “rather ineffectual and even redundant to the parks story” (xvi). While there is no doubt that Harkin played a leading role in the Canadian parks system’s development, it is also perfectly clear in the archival record that many of the policy and promotional documents attributed to Harkin, and which have built his reputation, were written by or with the aid of others. Hart himself cites such cases a number of times, on one occasion crediting it as proof of the “commissioner’s willingness to listen to and adapt the ideas of his colleagues into branch policies” (64).

[37] Williams, Guardians of the Wild (London: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1936), 7.

[38] Williams interview. It may be worth noting that Harkin was younger than half of his staff, and only three years older than Williams.

[39] A useful summary of women’s position in the Canadian civil service in the early twentieth century may be found in John Hilliker, Canada’s Department of External Affairs, vol. 1: The Early Years, 1909–1946 (Montreal: Institute of Public Administration of Canada and McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1990), 47–49.

[40] In understanding this period of Canadian parks history, I have been aided greatly by C.J. Taylor’s “A History of National Parks Administration” and “Legislating Nature: The National Parks Act of 1930,” in To See Ourselves / To Save Ourselves: Ecology and Culture in Canada, ed. Rowland Lorimer et al., 125–38 (Montreal: Association for Canadian Studies, 1991); R. Peter Gillis and Thomas R. Roach, Lost Initiatives: Canada’s Forest Industries, Forest Policy, and Forest Conservation (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1986), especially 62–70; and Peter J. Murphy, “‘Following the Base of the Foothills’: Tracing the Boundaries of Jasper Park and its Adjacent Rocky Mountains Forest Reserve,” in Culturing Wilderness: Studies in Two Centuries of Human History in the Upper Athabasca River Watershed, ed. I.S. MacLaren, 71–121 (Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 2007).

[41] Williams, Guardians of the Wild, 4.

[42] Frank Oliver, House of Commons, Debates, 28 April 1911, columns 8083-4. For more on the ideas behind the 1911 Act, see Oliver, ibid., 13 January 1911, columns 1640-1; Owen Ritchie, Barrister, to Frank Oliver, Minister, Department of the Interior, 16 November 1910, RG39, vol. 259, file 38305, pt. 1, LAC; and RG39, vol. 259, file 38305, pt. 2, LAC. Though the law was passed just months before the end of the Liberal government’s fifteen-year time in power, its timing does not seem to have been related to the coming election. The coming coronation of George V was said to be putting greater pressure on legislation. See Sir Richard Cartright, Senate, Debates, 19 May 1911, 742.

[43] R. Peter Gillis and Thomas R. Roach believe that the 1911 act contributed to the fragmentation of conservation in Canada. Although the Forestry Branch retained responsibility for firefighting on Dominion land, including parks, the responsibility for wildlife conservation was turned over to the Parks Branch. Rather than having one organization oversee resources on a more ecological model, the resources were being carved up between agencies. Gillis and Roach, Lost Initiatives, 66.

[44] The 1911 Act allowed for the establishment of new national parks, but only within forest reserves. See RG 39, vol. 259, file 38305, pt. 2, LAC.

[45] Crag and Canyon, 13 June 1913.

[46] Harkin to A.B. Macdonald, Superintendent, Rocky Mountains Park, 26 January 1912, RG84, vol. 80, file U3, pt. 3, 1911–1914, LAC.

[47] Williams interview. On suspected corruption in the timber berth system prior to 1911, see Gillis and Roach, 70.

[48] Unsigned memo to Harkin, 19 January 1914, RG84, vol. 80, file U3, pt. 3, 1911–1914, LAC.

[49] Rothwell to Deputy Minister of the Interior, 24 April 1917, RG84, vol. 654, file B2-1, vol. 1, LAC; and surrounding correspondence.

[50] Williams interview.

[51] See RG84, vol. 80, file U3, pt. 2, 1908–1911, LAC.

[52] Harkin to Williams, 23 November 1941, National Parks Branch file, Williams papers, LAC.

[53] Williams interview. Williams and Harkin’s mutual admiration was longstanding. A 1936 review of Williams’ history of the Canadian national parks system, Guardians of the Wild, states, “She gives all praise to J. B. Harkin: yet, and this betrays her secret, Mr. Harkin, in June this year, told Mr. Harper Cory that Miss Williams had been an inspiring and dominant factor in the works of the Parks Branch for some twenty years.” Reviews of Guardians of the Wild file, ibid.

[54] Harkin, “Memorandum re National Parks – Their Values and Ideals,” 14 March 1914, Harkin papers, MG30 E169, vol. 2, LAC; and A Sprig of Mountain Heather; Being a Story of the Heather and Some Facts about the Mountain Playgrounds of the Dominion (Ottawa: Department of the Interior, 1914), 16. The paragraphs are not quite identical. In the booklet, mention of “living birds and animals” is removed, and “one of our most precious national possessions” becomes “men’s rightful heritage.” As John Sandlos mentions in the following chapter of this book, the passage’s first sentence captures the dual economic and preservationist purposes of parks.

[55] Williams interview.

[56] Harkin, Annual Report, 1913.

[57] In a 5–16 April 1916 hearing before the U.S. House of Representatives’ Committee on Public Lands, Secretary of the American Civic Association Richard B. Watrous used the report both to detail the commercial and humanitarian value of parks and to demonstrate the important work done by the agency already in existence in Canada.

[58] Harkin to Williams, 23 November 1941, National Parks Branch file, Williams papers, LAC. The calculation first appears in Harkin, Annual Report, 1920, 3. This was the “small and modest fact” of the poem that begins this section of the chapter.

[59] Asked in Parliament in 1916 “What is the use of these parks?” the Minister of the Interior began his reply, “I think they are of great utility. They attract a large number of foreign tourists and cause to be spent in Canada much more money that would not otherwise come into the country.” William Roche, House of Commons, Debates, 15 February 1916, 844.

[60] Cannon and Meighen, House of Commons, Debates, 12 May 1919, 2303.

[61] Williams interview. On A Sprig of Mountain Heather, see The Globe, 14 August 1914; and I.S. MacLaren with Eric Higgs and Gabrielle Zezulka-Mailloux, Mapper of Mountains: M.P. Bridgland in the Canadian Rockies, 1902–1930 (Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 2005), 104–5 and 152 note 15.

[62] M.P. Bridgland and R. Douglas, Description of & Guide to Jasper Park (Ottawa: Department of the Interior, 1917); A.P. Coleman, Glaciers of the Rockies and Selkirks (Ottawa: Dept. of the Interior, [between 1912 and 1917]).

[63] Surveyor General Deville to Maynard Rogers, Superintendent, Jasper National Park, 4 September 1920, RG84, vol. 146, file J113-200, pt.2, LAC.

[64] On the role of railroads in promoting tourism in the parks, see Gabrielle Zezulka-Mailloux, “Laying the Tracks for Tourism,” in Culturing Wilderness, 233–59; and E.J. Hart, The Selling of Canada: The CPR and the Beginnings of Canadian Tourism (Banff: Altitude, 1983).

[65] RG32, vol. 480, file Williams Mabel B., LAC. Also, Frances Girling interview with the author, 28 January 2006. It should be noted, however, that during her paid sick leave in May–July 1929, Williams went to Europe with longtime travelling companion Mary Greene (later, Herridge). See MB 1931, file, Williams papers, LAC.

[66] Frances Girling interview with the author, 28 January 2006.

[67] Harkin, Annual Report, 1923, 112; 1922, K-121; and 1923, K-119.

[68] See RG84, vol. 170, file U113-2, vol. 2, LAC.

[69] Harkin to W.W. Cory, 3 December 1923, ibid.

[70] W.F. Lothian, A History of Canada’s National Parks, vol. 2 (Ottawa: Parks Canada, 1977), 15; and Alisa Apostle, “Canada, Vacations Unlimited: The Canadian Government Tourism Industry, 1934–1959,” unpublished PhD thesis, Queen’s University, 2003.

[71] Attorney-General, Annual Report, 1911–1931; and Williams interview. However, beginning in 1926, Williams’ position was listed as “head clerk.” There is indication that Williams was being squeezed out of the senior role in publicity work, and replaced by J.C. Campbell, who in the 1930s became Director of Publicity within the National Parks Branch. After a 1928 trip, Williams wrote her family that “They all seemed glad to see me back in the office. Mr. Harkin welcomed me with both hands and kept me for an hour talking. He wouldn’t have done that if Mr. Campbell had been home for he would have had his head in the door on some pretense. He wants to be in on everything I suppose.” Williams to “dear people,” 11 May 1928, MB1931, file, Williams papers, LAC.

[72] Bridgland and Douglas, Description of and Guide to Jasper Park, 13.

[73] Williams, Jasper National Park (Ottawa: Department of the Interior, 1928), 1. Williams actually alters Carpenter’s quote, which referred to “lands sacred,” plural. As I.S. MacLaren notes, “Whether intentional or not, this alteration makes possible the reading of the passage in her context as though ‘land’ and Canada were one and the same.” See MacLaren, “Introduction,” Culturing Wilderness, xl note 26.

[74] RG84, vol. 184, file U113-100, LAC; and RG84, vol. 177, file PA113-200, LAC.

[75] Williams, The Banff-Windermere Highway (Ottawa: Department of the Interior, 1923), 5 and 34–35.

[76] Williams, The Kicking Horse Trail (Ottawa: Department of the Interior, 1927), 5.

[77] Williams, Through the Heart of the Rockies and Selkirks, 4th ed. (Ottawa: Department of the Interior, 1929 [1921]), 7. Please note that in this instance, I did not have access to the first edition of the guide.

[78] Williams, Waterton Lakes National Park (Ottawa: Department of the Interior, [1927?]), 6–7.

[79] Bridgland and Douglas, Description of and Guide to Jasper Park, 33; and Williams, Jasper National Park, 133.

[80] Harkin, Annual Report, 1922, 1; 1925, 66; and 1929–30, 99.

[81] Harkin, Annual Report, 1916, 5.

[82] Harkin, Annual Report, 1919, 4; and 1927–8, 77.

[83] Williams, Guardians of the Wild, 127, and dedication page. The Carpenter quote also begins the foreword by “William Lyon Mackenzie King” in Prince Albert National Park.

[84] On inviolability, see Taylor, “Legislating Nature”; and my Natural Selections, 175–83.

[85] See Murphy, “‘Following the Base of the Foothills’,” 107.

[86] Crag and Canyon, 24 September 1926.

[87] Lothian, History of Canada’s National Parks, 17; and C.J. Taylor, Negotiating the Past: The Making of Canada’s National Historic Parks and Sites (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1990), 110. The Parks Branch would have suffered some staff losses regardless, because in 1930, natural resources in the western provinces were transferred from federal to provincial responsibility, which reduced staffing across the federal Department of the Interior.

[88] The system was not completely inactive in that period, of course. On the parks system during the 1930s and the war, see such works as Bill Waiser, Park Prisoners: The Untold Story of Western Canada’s National Parks, 1915–1946 (Saskatoon: Fifth House, 1995); Waiser, Saskatchewan’s Playground: A History of Prince Albert National Park (Saskatoon: Fifth House, 1989); and my Natural Selections, chaps. 2–4.

[89] Herridge had married William Thomas Herridge – a clergyman, and friend and advisor to William Lyon Mackenzie King – shortly before his death in 1929. Williams dedicated Guardians of the Wild to “M.B.H. Best of critics because she is so easily bored.”

[90] Williams letter, 10 October 1930, MB 1931, file, Williams papers, LAC.

[91] Biography of M.B. and Ernie Williams, Williams papers, LAC. It should be noted, however, that she had thirty years in, and as such was eligible for an annual retirement allowance.

[92] This was how she later characterized it. See J.C. Campbell, Parks Branch Publicity Director, to Williams, 20 March 1936, Grey Owl file, Williams papers, LAC. From a twenty-first century perspective, it is tempting to read in the contours of Williams’ life indications of homosexuality. But there is no suggestion of that in her correspondence, while there is evidence of a heterosexual relationship with journalist and parks staffer Alfred B. Buckley. See Buckley to Williams, 18 May 1935, and Williams to “Dearest,” 8 June 1936, M.B. to A.B. Buckley 1935 file, Williams papers, LAC. I know nothing of Buckley, other than that he wrote the deservedly obscure Choric Ode on the Opening of the Banff-Windermere Highway, June 30, 1923 (Ottawa: Department of the Interior, 1923).

[93] Not that the texts ever much changed. In both the 1928 and 1948 editions of Jasper National Park, the Athabasca glacier is described as 4.5 miles long, but the glacier had in fact retreated almost half a mile in that period.

[94] For the birth of automobile tourism in the U.S. national parks, see David Louter, Windshield Wilderness: Cars, Roads and Nature in Washington’s National Parks (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2006); Paul Sutter, Driven Wild: How the Fight against Automobiles Launched the Modern Wilderness Movement (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2002); Chris J. Magoc, Yellowstone: The Creation and Selling of an American Landscape: 1870–1903 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1999); and Theodore Catton, National Park; City Playground: Mt. Rainier in the Twentieth Century (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2006).

[95] Robert Craig Brown, “The Doctrine of Usefulness: Natural Resources and National Parks Policy in Canada, 1887–1914,” in The Canadian National Parks: Today and Tomorrow, ed. J.G. Nelson and R.C. Scace, 1: 94–110 (Calgary: National and Provincial Parks Association and the University of Calgary, 1969). See also Leslie Bella, Parks for Profit (Montreal: Harvest House, 1986); I.S. MacLaren, “Cultured Wilderness in Jasper National Park,” Journal of Canadian Studies 34 (Fall 1999): 7–58; Gabrielle Zezulka-Mailloux, “Laying the Tracks for Tourism,” in Culturing Wilderness in Jasper National Park: Studies in Two Centuries of Human History in the Upper Athabasca River Watershed, ed. I.S. MacLaren, 233–59 (Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 2007); and C.J. Taylor, “The Changing Habitat of Jasper Tourism,” in Culturing Wilderness in Jasper National Park, 199–225. For the influence of tourism on the exclusion of Native people from Rocky Mountains Park, see Theodore Binnema and Melanie Niemi, “‘Let the Line be Drawn Now:’ Wilderness, Conservation and the Exclusion of Aboriginal People from Banff National Park in Canada,” Environmental History 11 (2006): 724–50.

[96] Banff–Bow Valley Task Force, Banff–Bow Valley: At the Crossroads, Technical Report (Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services, 1996).

[97] Panel on the Ecological Integrity of Canada’s National Parks, Unimpaired for Future Generations? Conserving Ecological Integrity within Canada’s National Parks (Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services, 2000); Rick Searle, Phantom Parks: the Struggle to Save Canada’s National Parks (Toronto: Key Porter, 2000).

[98] Janet Foster, Working for Wildlife: The Beginnings of Preservation in Canada, 2nd ed. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998).

[99] Canadian Parks and Wilderness Society, “Harkin Award,” http://cpaws.org/about/harkin.php; accessed 29 July 2009.

[100] Harvey Locke, “Civil Society and Protected Areas.” Final version of paper presented at the Parks for Tomorrow Conference, 7 July 2008. Available at http://dspace.ucalgary.ca/bitstream/1880/46874/1/Locke.pdf; accessed 6 April 2009.

[101] Pearlann Reichwein, “‘Hands off our National Parks’: The Alpine Club of Canada and Hydro-development Controversies in the Canadian Rockies, 1922–30,” Journal of the Canadian Historical Association, New Series, 6 (1995): 129–55. For popular histories of the mountain parks that emphasize their wilderness character, see Eleanor G. Luxton, Banff: Canada’s First National Park, a History and a Memory of Rocky Mountains Park (Banff: Summerthought, 1974); and Sid Marty, A Grand a Fabulous Notion: The First Century of Canada’s National Parks (Toronto: NC Press, 1984).

[102] For an overview of mountain aesthetics, see Marjorie Hope Nicolson, Mountain Gloom and Mountain Glory: The Development of the Aesthetics of the Infinite (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1959); Simon Schama, Landscape and Memory (Toronto: Random House, 1996); and Christopher Armstrong and H.V. Nelles, The Painted Valley: Artists along the Bow River, 1845–2000 (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 2007). For collections of photographs, see Edward Cavell, Legacy in Ice: The Vaux Family and the Canadian Alps (Banff: Whyte Foundation, 1983); Bart Robinson, “A Biographical Portrait of Byron Harmon,” in Byron Harmon: Mountain Photographer, ed. Carole Harmon, 5–14 (Banff: Altitude, 1992). Writers have produced a vast amount of material about the Rockies from the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Representative examples may be found in Colleen Skidmore, ed. This Wild Spirit: Women in the Rocky Mountains of Canada (Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 2006); Mary Schaeffer, Old Indian Trails: Incidents of Camp and Trail Life, Covering Two Years’ Exploration through the Rocky Mountains of Canada (New York: G. Putnam’s Sons, 1911); and James Outram, In the Heart of the Canadian Rockies (London: Macmillan, 1905).

[103] For an overview, see W.F Lothian, A History of Canada’s National Parks (Ottawa: Parks Canada, 1976); 1:10–13; C.J. Taylor, “Legislating Nature: The National Parks Act of 1930,” in To See Ourselves / To Save Ourselves: Ecology and Culture in Canada, ed. Rowland Lorimer and Michael M’Gonigle, Canadian Issues, vol. XII , Proceedings of the Annual Conference of the Association for Canadian Studies, University of Victoria, 31 May to 1 June 1990, 139–67 (Montreal: Association for Canadian Studies, 1991); Peter R. Gillis and Thomas R. Roach, “The American Influence on Conservation in Canada 1899–1911,” Journal of Forest and Conservation History 30, no. 4 (October 1986): 160–74; and R.D. Turner and W.E. Rees, “A Comparative Study of Parks Policy in Canada and the United States,” Nature Canada 2, no. 1 (1973): 31–36. See also MacEachern, this volume.

[104] Taylor, “Legislating Nature,” 134. E.J. Hart, J.B. Harkin: Father of Canada’s National Parks (Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 2010).

[105] Alan MacEachern, Natural Selections: National Parks in Atlantic Canada, 1935–1970 (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2001).

[106] W.F Lothian, A History of Canada’s National Park, I:14.

[107] Lucy Alderson and John Marsh. “J.B. Harkin, National Parks and Roads,” Park News 15 (Summer 1979): 9–16

[108] For a record of local influences on the creation of the park, see James Harkin to W.W. Cory, Deputy Minister of the Interior Library and Archives Canada (hereafter LAC), RG84, vol. 1673, file MR2, pt. 1. See also “Revelstoke National Park Unanimously Approved as Most Suitable Name for New Park.” Revelstoke Mail Herald, 5 February 1914. Clipping found in LAC, RG84, vol. 1673, file MR2, pt. 1.

[109] Order in Council P.C. 1125, 28 April 1914. A copy was found in LAC, RG84, vol. 1673, file MR2, pt. 1.

[110] Harkin to Cory, 28 April 1920. LAC, RG84, vol. 1673, file MR2, pt. 1.

[111] “Mount Revelstoke is National Park,” Revelstoke Mail Herald, 5 February 1914. LAC, RG84, vol. 1673, file MR2, pt. 1. Clipping found in LAC, RG84, vol. 1673, file MR2, pt. 1.

[112] Lothian, A History of Canada’s National Parks, 58; “Mount Revelstoke National Park,” no date, Clipping found in LAC, RG84, vol. 16, file MR109, pt. 1.

[113] For a summary of Bruce’s role, see R. Randolph Bruce to Harkin, 22 June 1922. LAC, RG84, vol. 1632, file K2, pt. 2. The Banff-Windermere Highway Agreement was established through Order in Council P.C. 827, published in the Canada Gazette 58, no. 47.

[114] R. Randolph Bruce to Harkin, 22 June 1922. LAC, RG84, vol. 1632, file K2, pt. 2.

[115] Minister of the Interior to the Governor General in Council, 28 February 1919. LAC, RG84, vol. 1631, file K2, pt. 1; “Banff-Windermere Road,” undated memo. LAC, RG84, vol. 1632, file K2, pt. 2.

[116] Harkin to Sibbald, 12 December 1922. LAC, RG84, vol. 477, file K210, pt. 1.

[117] For a summary, see a memo on the historical development of the park, dated 25 November 1926. LAC, RG84, vol. 1726, file PA2, pt. 1. See also William Waiser, Saskatchewan’s Playground: A History of Prince Albert National Park (Saskatoon: Fifth House, 1989).

[118] The park committee report is quoted in full in a memo from W.W. Cory, Minister of the Interior to Harkin, 30 November 1926. LAC, RG84, vol. 1726, file PA2, pt. 1.

[119] See, for example, “Riding Mountains Favored as Site of Federal Park,” Brandon Sun, 3 September 1927; W.W. Childe, “Defends Eastern Area for National Park,” Winnipeg Free Press, 8 October 1927; “Want National Park at Riding Mountain,” Winnipeg Free Press, 10 January 1927. All clippings were found in LAC, RG84, vol. 1841, RM2, pt. 1.

[120] D.D. McDonald and J.N McFadden, “The Advantages of the Riding Mountain Forest Reserve as a National Park for Manitoba,” published by the Riding Mountain National Park Committee, 30 January 1928. LAC, RG84, vol. 1841, RM2, pt. 2.

[121] Public advocacy for a park in the nearby towns of Midland and Penetanguishene is discussed in an undated document titled “Position Paper on Beausoleil.” LAC, RG84, vol. 487, file GB2, pt. 3. Harkin mentions a pro-park resolution put forward by the Penetanguishene Ratepayer’s Association in a letter to Cory, 5 January 1923. LAC, RG84, vol. 488, file GB11325-9-6.

[122] Orr described Beausoleil Island’s potential as a historical park to Harkin in a letter dated 31 January 1921, and the tourist potential of the park in a letter to Harkin dated 22 September 1920. LAC, RG84, vol. 487, GB2 (U325-9-9), pt. 2.

[123] James Harkin, “Memorandum re. Dominion Parks, Their Values and Their Ideals,” 20 March 1914. LAC, MG30, E-69, vol. 2.

[124] J.B. Harkin, The Origin and Meaning of the National Parks of Canada, Extracts from the Papers of the Late Jas. B. Harkin, First Commissioner of the National Parks of Canada. Compiled by Mabel B. Williams (Saskatoon: H.R. Larson, 1957).

[125] Harkin to Cory, 28 April 1930. LAC, RG84, vol. 1841, file RM2, pt. 2. For overviews of development within the park, see Lyle Dick, “Forgotten Roots: The Gardens of Wasagaming,” Newest Review (November 1986): 10–11; Helen Bazillon, Connie Braun, and Richard C. Rounds, Human Intervention in the Clear Lake Basin of Riding Mountain National Park: Land Use, Subdivision, and Development (Brandon, MB: Brandon University, Rural Development Institute, 1992); W.F. Baird, “Clear Lake Waterfront Beach Study, Riding Mountain National Park.” Unpublished report. Baird and Associates and Environment Canada, 1994.

[126] Waiser, Saskatchewan’s Playground, 37–46.

[127] For details on construction in the park, see Arlene Yaworsky, “Preserving the History of Georgian Bay Islands National Park,” Unpublished report, Georgian Bay Islands National Park (June 1976): 69–75, 332–35.

[128] Hoyes Lloyd to F.H.H. Williamson, 7 August 1929. LAC, RG84, vol. 487, file GB 2, pt. 3. A.A. Pinard to Harkin, 21 December 1922. LAC, RG84, vol. 488, file GB1325-9-6. Harkin to Cory, 5 January 1925. LAC, RG84, vol. 488, file GB1325-9-6.

[129] Harkin to Cory, 5 January 1925. LAC, RG84, vol. 488, file GB1325-9-6.

[130] Harkin to Cory, 5 January 1925. LAC, RG84, vol. 488, file GB1325-9-6.

[131] For further discussion, see Paul Kopas, Taking the Air: Ideas and Change in Canada’s National Parks (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2007), 3–4.

[132] For objections to the national recreation area idea, see J.M. McFadden to the Minister of the Interior, 20 March 1929. LAC, RG84, vol. 1841, file RM2, pt. 2. See also the editorial, “When is a Park not a Park?” Winnipeg Tribune, 31 August 1929 (clipping found in LAC, RG 84, vol. 1841, file RM2, pt. 2). For an overview of the National Recreation Area concept, see Taylor, “Legislating Nature,” 133.

[133] For background on the Publicity Division, see Lothian, A History of the National Parks, 2:15. Most of the archival collections for individual parks from this period included a file containing publicity material produced internally and in the public press. Representative publications that emphasize the public playground status of the parks include, “Discovering Clear Lake: Manitoba’s New Playground is Sanctuary Where Denizens of Wild Live Free from Fear and Tourists Enjoy the Unspoiled Beauty of Life in the Open,” Winnipeg Tribune 27 August 1932 (p. 1 of Magazine Section); “A Northern Playground,” Toronto Globe, 8 January 1930 (p. 4 of Lifestyle section; reference is to Georgian Bay Islands National Park); and “Holiday Lake or Mountain – Canyons of Kootenay Provide for Tourist Scenic Display of Unusual Beauty,” Calgary Herald, 7 July 1939, clipping found in LAC, RG84, vol. 15, file K109, pt. 1. See also “Visit Revelstoke: The Mountain Paradise,” a pamphlet with text and photo spreads that emphasize the recreational and vacation potential of the park. LAC, RG84, vol. 16, file MR109, pt. 1.

[134] See Tony Lascelles and Grey Owl, “A Philosophy of the Wild,” Forest and Stream (Dec. 1931): 15–16.

[135] Tony Lascelles, “Politics and Our National Parks.” Undated and unpublished manuscript, H.U. Green Papers, M2 43, Whyte Museum of the Canadian Rockies.

[136] Paul Sutter, Driven Wild: How the Fight against Automobiles Launched the Modern Wilderness Movement (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2002).

[137] John Sandlos, “Federal Spaces, Local Conflicts: National Parks and the Exclusionary Politics of the Conservation Movement in Ontario, 1900–1935,” Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 16 (2005): 293–318; John Sandlos, “Not Wanted in the Boundary: the Expulsion of the Keeseekoowenin Ojibway Band from Riding Mountain National Park,” Canadian Historical Review 89 (2008): 189–221.

[138] Jennifer Brower, Lost Tracks: Buffalo National Park, 1909–1939 (Edmonton: AU Press, 2008).

[139] The purpose of the original forest park as an elk preserve is outlined in a letter from James A. Smart to Clifford Sifton, Minister of the Interior, 21 June 1904. LAC, RG84, vol. 479, file E2, pt. 1. For an account of the park as a tourist draw, including laudatory comments on the golf course, see “Elk Island Park Draws Summer Vacationers,” Edmonton Journal, 4 July 1942. For the band shows, see “Barrhead District Band to Play at Elk Island,” Edmonton Bulletin, 17 August 1950. Clippings of both these articles were found in LAC, RG84, vol. 9, file E109, pt. 1.

[140] Taylor, “Legislating Nature,” 134–35.

[141] F.J.G. Cunningham, Director, Northern Administration Branch to the Deputy Minister, 3 October 1956. LAC, RG85, accession 1997-98/076, box 73, file 406-13, pt. 5.

[142] The recommendation to return portions of the park to Alberta is contained in a Northern Administration Branch Planning Division Report prepared by C.L. Merrill in Dec. 1963. LAC, RG85, accession 1997-98/076, box 73, file 406-13, pt. 8.

[143] For Taverner’s report, see Commission of Conservation Canada, Report of Sixth Annual Meeting (Toronto: Bryant Press, 1915): 304–7.

[144] A resolution that the Essex County Wildlife Association presented in favour of Point Pelee National Park is quoted at length in a letter from Dominion Entomologist C. Gordon Hewitt to W.W. Cory, 30 May 1917. LAC, RG84, vol. 1700, file P2, pt. 1. For an overview of the duck hunting issue, see Sandlos “Federal Spaces; Local Conflicts.”

[145] J.G. Battin and J.G. Nelson, ““Recreation and Conservation: the Struggle for Balance in Point Pelee,” in Recreational Land Use: Perspectives on Evolution in Canada, ed. G. Wall and J. Marsh, 77–101 (Ottawa: Carleton University Press, 1982); J.G. Battin and J.G. Nelson, Man’s Impact on Point Pelee National Park (National and Provincial Parks Association of Canada, 1978).

[146] W.A. Martin, “Spring Fever: A Trip to Ontario’s Point Pelee during the Height of Bird Migration Reveals that for Many Serious Birders the Name of the Game Is Not to See Their First Prairie Warbler of the Year but to Spot it before Anybody Else Does,” Globe and Mail (8 April 1991): A14.

[147] Edward Abbey, Desert Solitaire: A Season in the Wilderness (New York: Touchstone, 1968).

[148] National Parks Act, Statutes of Canada 20–1 Geo. V, chap. 33.

[149] The historians Henry Jackson Lears and Ian MacKay have argued that this process of commercializing antimodern sentiment was common in North America during this period. T.J. Jackson Lears, No Place of Grace: Antimodernism and the Transformation of American Culture, 1880–1920 (New York: Pantheon, 1981); Ian McKay, Quest of the Folk: Antimodernism and Cultural Selection in Twentieth Century Nova Scotia (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1994).

[150] Hal K. Rothman, Devil’s Bargains: Tourism in the Twentieth-Century American West (Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 1998). See also, John Urry, The Tourist Gaze (London: Sage, 2002).

[151] Alan MacEachern, Natural Selections: National Parks in Atlantic Canada, 1935–1970 (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2001).

[152] R.G. Harvey, Carving the Western Path: By River, Rail, and Road through BC’s Southern Mountains (Surrey, BC: Heritage House, 1998), 86.

[153] R.G. Harvey suggests that political pressure from the Canadian Pacific Railway was behind the federal government’s reluctance to build an automobile road through the Rogers Pass. Carving the Western Path, 89–91.

[154] Charles Stewart, Minister of the Interior telegram to Nelson Lougheed, Minister of Public Works, 4 October 1929, cited in Harvey, Carving the Western Path, 87–89.

[155] See University of British Columbia Special Collections, Simon Fraser Tolmie papers, box 8, file 19, Minister of Public Works R.W. Bruhn to Premier Tolmie, 17 June 1931. The cynicism that ‘make work’ projects engendered amongst Canadian relief camp workers is touched on in James Struthers, No Fault of Their Own: Unemployment and the Canadian Welfare State, 1914–1941 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1983), 133–34; and John Herd Thompson and Allen Seager, Canada, 1922–1939: Decades of Discord (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1985), 268–69. Also see Bill Waiser, Park Prisoners: The Untold Story of Western Canada’s National Parks, 1915–1946 (Saskatoon: Fifth House, 1995), chaps. 2–3.

[156] See Thomas William Tanner, “Microcosms of Misfortune: Canada’s Unemployment Relief Camps Administered by the Department of National Defence, 1932–1936.” MA thesis, University of Western Ontario, 1965; Lorne Alvin Brown, “The Bennett Government, Political Stability, and the Politics of the Unemployment Relief Camps, 1930–1935.” PhD dissertation, Queen’s University, 1983.

[157] British Columbia Archives (hereafter BCA), GR-1222 Premier’s Papers, box 97, file 2, J.M. Wardle, Chief Engineer to H. Cathcart, Deputy Minister of Lands, 31 August 1932, cited in Cathcart to Wardle, 10 April 1933. Also see box 15, file 7, Cathcart to Pattullo, 4 June 1935.

[158] On the Banff-Windermere Highway and the origins of Kootenay National Park, see John Sandlos’s chapter in this book and W.F. Lothian, A History of Canada’s National Parks, vol. 1 (Ottawa: Parks Canada, 1976), 58–60.

[159] BCA, GR-1222, box 97, file 2, [H. Cathcart] Deputy Minister [of Lands] to Wardle, 10 April 1933. The province only responded to Wardle’s request after the B.C. Forest Service reported that the feasibility of profitable logging in the desired area was uncertain. British Columbia Ministry of Forests Library, W.A. Johnston, “Big Bend, Columbia River Reconnaissance” (Victoria, 1932).

[160] BCA, GR-1222, box 97, file 2, Thomas G. Murphy to Pattullo, 26 January 1934 and 9 June 1934.

[161] BCA, GR-1222, box 97, file 2, Pattullo to Murphy, 15 February 1934, forwarding A. Wells Gray, Minister of Lands, memo for Pattullo, 13 Feb 1934.

[162] BCA, GR-1222, box 97, file 2, Murphy to Pattullo, 8 September 1934.

[163] BCA, GR-1222, box 15, file 7, [Frank M.] MacPherson [Minister of Public Works] to Murphy, 10 November 1934, attached to Department of Public Works to Pattullo, 30 May 1935.

[164] BCA, GR-1222, box 15, file 7, E.A. Boyle, Secretary, Big Bend Highway Committee to Pattullo, 27 April 1935; W.A. Gordon, City Clerk, City of Revelstoke to MacPherson, 11 May 1935.

[165] BCA, GR-1222, box 15, file 7, Murphy, telegram to Pattullo, 28 May 1935; Pattullo to Murphy, 30 May 1935; Murphy telegram to Pattullo, 1 June 1935.

[166] BCA, GR-1222, box 15, file 7, Pattullo telegram to Murphy, 4 June 1935. Also see Murphy to Pattullo, 19 June 1935; Pattullo to Murphy, 10 July 1935. Due to the need to acquire the remaining valid timber licenses, the tall roadside timber between Kinbasket Lake and Boat Encampment was not formally put under the protection of a provincial Crown reserve until April 1936.

[167] University of British Columbia Special Collections, British Columbia Government Travel Bureau, Advertising Campaign for Promotion of Tourist Travel, 1940 (Victoria, 1940). On the strategic importance of encouraging American tourists to visit B.C. during the early war years, see Michael Dawson, Selling British Columbia: Tourism and Consumer Culture, 1890–1970 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2004), chap. 4.

[168] Driving conditions on the Big Bend Highway are recalled in Bob Metcalfe, “Goodbye to the Big Bend,” Imperial Oil Review 46, no. 4 (August 1962): 16–19; Donovan Clemson, “Goodbye to the Big Bend,” BC Motorist 9, no. 1 (January–February 1970): 4; and Tom Parkin, “Disappearing Highway,” British Columbia Historical News 28, no. 4 (1995): 31.

[169] In May 1940 the B.C. Ministry of Lands had identified Kinbasket Lake, Downie Creek, and Boat Encampment as locations along the Big Bend Highway that were suitable for gas stations and other roadside services. However, it was several years before any such operation opened. BCA, GR-1222, box 34, file 5, Minister of Lands, memo to Pattullo, 30 May 1940.

[170] BCA, GR-1222, box 34, file 5, Revelstoke Board of Trade to Pattullo, 21 July 1940.

[171] BCA, GR-1222, box 34, file 5, W.B. Hill to Pattullo, 31 August 1941. Stories about unsafe and un-scenic conditions along the Big Bend road can also be found in the pages of the Revelstoke Review throughout the summer and fall of 1941.

[172] Austin Cross, “The Big Bend Highway,” Ottawa Citizen, 20 December 1942.

[173] Revelstoke Review, 7 August 1941. Also see Dawson, Selling British Columbia, 120–26.

[174] Hamber Park was created by an Order-in-Council (#1305) because the Legislature had been dissolved in preparation for an October election. The fact that Pattullo waited until after the dissolution of the Legislature to create such an important provincial park suggests that he may have been involved in backroom negotiations with the federal government regarding its possible incorporation into the national parks system.

[175] An automobile road through the Yellowhead Pass is one development that the province may have expected in exchange for Hamber and Mount Robson parks. It had also been suggested that a road from Boat Encampment to the Yellowhead Pass via the Canoe River valley might form a leaping off point for a future road to Alaska, which was one of Pattullo’s pet projects. “Big Bend Road Looms Large in Alaska Highway Plan,” Revelstoke Review, 27 April 1939; Robin Fisher, “T.D. Pattullo and the British Columbia to Alaska Highway,” in The Alaska Highway: Papers of the 40th Anniversary Symposium, ed. Ken Coates, 9–24 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1985).

[176] In 1938 T.A. Crerar informed the provincial Minister of Lands that funds were unlikely to be found for more national parks in B.C. due to the federal government’s focus on establishing parks in the east. BCA, GR-1991 Parks and Outdoor Recreation, reel 1754, Crerar to A. Wells Gray, 25 August 1938, cited in H. Cathcart, Deputy Minister of Lands memo to Premier John Hart, 1 December 1944. Also see C.J. Taylor, Negotiating the Past: The Making of Canada’s National Historic Parks and Sites (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1990), 109–11; MacEachern, Natural Selections, 45, 52–53.

[177] Dawson, Selling British Columbia, 120–26. When Pattullo visited Revelstoke in August 1941, he had been approached with complaints about the need to make the Big Bend Highway more attractive to auto tourists. Revelstoke Review, 7 August 1941.

[178] British Columbia Ministry of Forests Library, C.P. Lyons and D.M. Trew, “Reconnaissance of Hamber Park and Big Bend Highway” (Victoria: B.C. Forest Service, Forest Economics Division, Parks Section, 1945), 13, 11.

[179] Ibid., 6; BCA, GR-1991, reel 1754, Percy [illegible] to [Premier] John Hart, 19 March 1945; Thomas King, MLA (Golden) to E.T. Kenney, Minister of Lands, 6 April 1945.

[180] On B.C.’s classification system for its provincial parks in the postwar years, see Jeremy Wilson, Talk and Log: Wilderness Politics in British Columbia, 1961–1996 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1998), 93–98.

[181] For example, see BCA, GR-1991, reel 1754, E.G. Oldham to Ontario Government Department of Travel and Publicity, 17 May 1950.

[182] BCA, GR-1991, reel 1754, C.P. Lyons memo to F.S. McKinnon, 15 July 1946; D.M. Trew to E.G. Oldham, 25 May 1949; G.A. Wood, report, 1954. The oral agreement whereby the Forest Service bypassed the Parks Branch regarding timber sales in Hamber is described in Minister of Lands and Forests to Earle C. Westwood, Minister of Recreation and Conservation, 3 February 1961.

[183] Neil Swainson, Conflict Over the Columbia: The Canadian Background to an Historic Treaty (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press for the Institute of Public Administration of Canada, 1979), 54–56.

[184] See David W. Monaghan, Canada’s ‘New Main Street’: The Trans-Canada Highway as Idea and Reality, 1912–1956 (Ottawa: Canadian Science and Technology Museum, 2002), 23–24. On the enthusiastic reception that the opening of the highway through the Rogers Pass received from the motoring public, see Daniel Francis, A Road for Canada: An Illustrated History of the Trans-Canada Highway (Vancouver: Stanton, Atkins, and Dosil, 2006), 1–5.

[185] “Reporter Finds Vancouver-Banff Highway Good and Getting Better,” Vancouver Sun, 22 July 1959.

[186] BCA, GR-1991, reel 1754, R.H. Ahrens, Reconnaissance Section [Parks Branch] to Forester-in-Charge, Parks and Recreation Division, 14 November 1956; H.G. McWilliams, Director, Provincial Parks Branch to C.T.W. Hyslop, Superintendant of Lands, 6 January 1959; E.W. Bassett, Deputy Minister of Lands, “Notice of Cancellation and Establishment of Reserve” pursuant to Order in Council #213, 6 February 1959; Director, Provincial Parks Branch to W.H. Hepper, 30 September 1960.

[187] BCA, GR-1991, reel 1754, H.G. McWilliams, Director, Provincial Parks Branch to D.B. Turner, Deputy Minister, Department of Recreation and Conservation, 25 April 1961.

[188] An important exception to this is Jennifer Brower’s history of Buffalo National Park, which was located in eastern Alberta prior to being deleted and turned into present-day Canadian Forces Base Wainwright. Brower, Lost Tracks: Buffalo National Park, 1909–1939 (Edmonton: AU Press, 2008).

[189] See, for example, Wilson, Talk and Log, 95; Robert William Sandford, Ecology and Wonder in the Canadian Rocky Mountain Parks World Heritage Site (Edmonton: AU Press, 2010), 201–2.

[190] See, for example, Leslie Bella, Parks for Profit (Montreal, Harvest House, 1987), and, most recently, Paul Kopas, Taking the Air: Ideas and Change in Canada’s National Parks (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2007).

[191] Alan MacEachern, Natural Selections: National Parks in Atlantic Canada (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2001), 15. MacEachern calls this double purpose, “preservation and use,” and suggests that it is more useful to look at both aspects in terms of “intervention” (156).

[192] Quoted in Prince Albert Daily Herald, 2 July 1971, 3.

[193] Canada, House of Commons Debates, 3 May 1887, 245.

[194] Liberal John Platt took issue with Banff becoming “a very nice health resort of the wealthy people of this country” and insisted that other Canadians “ought to receive an equal benefit with those who have influence.” Ibid., 246. See also Bella, Parks for Profit, 114.

[195] The 729-square-mile Sturgeon River Forest Reserve stretched from the Sturgeon River Valley on the west to the third meridian on the east and from the line between townships 57 and 58 (taking in most of Red Deer or Waskesiu Lake) on the north and a slightly irregular line between townships 52 and 53 (that excluded all possible agricultural lands) on the south. Established under the provisions of the Dominion Forest Reserves and Parks Act (1911), it was one of fifteen reserves that the federal government set aside in Saskatchewan.

[196] For the full story behind the creation of Prince Albert National Park and the role played by Mackenzie King, see B. Waiser, Saskatchewan’s Playground: A History of Prince Albert National Park (Saskatoon, 1989), chap. 4.

[197] Mackenzie King never forgot McDonald’s generosity and appointed him to the Senate in 1935. But the Prince Albert pharmacist was too ill to take his place. McDonald has the dubious distinction of being elected to the House of Commons and appointed to the Senate and never having uttered a single word in either chamber.

[198] G.W.P. Abrams, Prince Albert: The First Century, 1866–1966 (Saskatoon: Modern Press, 1966), 245.

[199] LAC, Manuscript Division, William Lyon Mackenzie King papers, Diaries, 20 April 1926.

[200] LAC, Manuscript Division, William Lyon Mackenzie King papers, vol. 167, 121011, T.C. Davis to W.L.M. King, 28 April 1927.

[201] Thirty-eight lots in Prospect Point were made available in June 1928. Each applicant was required to erect a cottage with a minimum value of $1,000 within one year. Before construction could commence, however, the plans and specifications had to be approved by the Parks Branch. Upon the satisfactory completion of the structure, the lot holder was issued a standard forty-two-year lease with the option of renewal. The seasonal rental fee was $10 for the period from April 1 to October 30. For the balance of the year, the structure could not be occupied.

[202] This work was plagued by a large patch of muskeg just back from the beach. Indeed, future prime minister John Diefenbaker was well within the truth when he referred to Waskesiu as “that mosquito park offered to Prince Albert as a reward for the election of Mackenzie King.” Quoted in Saskatoon Star-Phoenix, 19 August 1949.

[203] D. DeBrou and B. Waiser, eds., Documenting Canada: A History of Modern Canada in Documents (Saskatoon: Fifth House, 1992), 299.

[204] Kopas, Taking the Air, 33.

[205] RG84, vol. 587, file PA36, J. Wood to J.B Harkin, 15 October 1931.

[206] Shack tents could remain on the same spot in the campground for the summer on the basis of a seasonal camping permit. This privilege cost a mere two dollars per month in 1935, the equivalent of the daily rate at one of the park hotels. By 1937, the shack tent fee had doubled, but it was still an incredible bargain.

[207] University of Alberta Archives, Karl Clark papers, K. Clark to no name, 16 November 1932.

[208] Despite a concerted effort to advertise the park in the United States and the larger Canadian market, in particular Alberta, 92 per cent of the visitors in 1950 came from Saskatchewan.

[209] Quoted in RG84, vol. 18, PA109, pt. 3.

[210] On 15 December 1933, the Prince Albert Board of Trade reviewed the matter of park residences with J.M. Wardle, supervisor of western parks. Prince Albert Daily Herald, 16 December 1933.

[211] RG84, vol. 1744, file PA25, J.B. Harkin to J.M. Wardle, 20 March 1936.

[212] Ibid., J. Wood to Controller, 18 November 1937.

[213] Ibid., vol. 1751, file PA36-1, pt. 1, J. Smart to B.I.M. Strong, 25 July 1950.

[214] Ibid., PANP Shack Tent Owners’ Association to B.I.M. Strong, 30 June 1950.

[215] Ibid., B.I.M. Strong to J. Smart, 25 July 1950.

[216] Ibid., J. Smart to B.I.M. Strong, 1 December 1950.

[217] Ibid., 5 September 1950.

[218] Ibid., “Conditions Governing Portable Cabin Lots on Campgrounds at Waskesiu,” 1 March 1952.

[219] Ibid., vol. 1750, file PA36, pt. 4, G.H.L. Dempster, “Report on Control of Camping Facilities, Prince Albert National Park,” 7 November 1956.

[220] W84-85/407, box 16, f. PA36-2, “Matters Taken up with Director Hutchinson in Saskatoon on June 30, 1956.”

[221] RG84, vol. 1750, file PA36, pt. 4, G.H.L. Dempster to J.R.B. Coleman, 21 August 1956.

[222] In 1957, a new planning section was created within the national parks service. This move was part of a general trend within the Canadian federal service towards greater professionalization and specialization. It was also a recognition of the increasingly important role that planning had assumed in the operation of the national parks system.

[223] Planning Considerations-Prince Albert National Park, report n. 7, Planning Section, National Parks Branch, 15 December 1958, 2–3.

[224] RG84, vol. 1749, file PA28, pt. 2, R.G. Robertson to J.R.B. Coleman, 11 August 1959.

[225] Ibid.

[226] L. Brooks; J.C. Jackson; H.K. Eidsvik, Shack Tents and Portable Cabins Proposed Program, report n. 1, National Parks Branch, 1959, 1.

[227] Ibid., 5.

[228] Ibid.

[229] RG84, vol. 1749, file PA28, pt. 3, J.R.B. Coleman to R.G. Robertson, 11 August 1959.

[230] The planning section initially contempated eliminating all private residences in the park, including those in Prospect Point and Lakeview (1–3), in favour of a variety of rental structures.

[231] RG84, vol. 1749, file PA28, pt. 3, J.R.B. Coleman to R.G. Robertson, 21 December 1960.

[232] Prince Albert has the distinction of being represented by three prime ministers. Sir Wilfrid Laurier won election in Quebec East and Saskatchewan (Prince Albert) in 1896 when it was possible to run in more than one riding; Laurier chose to represent Quebec East. William Lyon Mackenzie King held the riding from 1926 to 1945, while John Diefenbaker represented Prince Albert from 1953 until his death in 1979.

[233] RG84, vol. 1749, file PA28, pt. 3, J.R.B. Coleman to R.G. Robertson, 29 December 1961.

[234] Kopas, Taking the Air, 37–38.

[235] Canada, House of Commons Debates, 2 August 1956, 6884.

[236] Bella, Parks for Profit, 114–15. A 1962 planning section document proposed that park residences be restricted to those serving the visiting public.

[237] Debates, 26 June 1963, 1618.

[238] Debates, 18 September, 1964, 8194.

[239] Globe and Mail, 2 August 1965, 6.

[240] W84-85/496, box 2, form letter from A. Laing, 25 August 1965.

[241] RG84, vol. 1750, file PA28, pt. 5, A.J. Reeve to J.H. Gordon, 12 July 1967.

[242] Kopas, Taking the Air, 67–72.

[243] Ibid., vol. 1753, file PA36-1, “Petition Regarding the Proposed Waskesiu Redevelopment Plan, Prince Albert National Park,” 2 September 1967.

[244] W84-85/496, box 2, M. Jackson to J. Chrétien, 15 July 1968.

[245] Ibid., J. Chrétien to J.G. Diefenbaker, 30 October 1968.

[246] Bella, Parks for Profit, 117–18.

[247] W84-85/405, box 17, J.I. Nicol to J.H. Gordon, 17 February 1970.

[248] Ibid., J. Chrétien to M. Jackson, 13 May 1970.

[249] Ibid.

[250] Ibid., box 18, J. Rae to D. Clark, 22 January 1971; J.I. Nicol to R.P. Malis, 9 February 1971.

[251] Prince Albert National Park Provisional Master Plan (Ottawa 1971), 11.

[252] Quoted in Saskatoon Star-Phoenix, 5 May 1971.

[253] Quoted in Prince Albert Daily Herald, 5 May 1971.

[254] Ibid., 2 July 1971.

[255] Decisions Resulting from the Public Hearing on the Provisional Master Plan for Prince Albert National Park (Ottawa: Parks Canada, 1975).

[256] Quoted in Prince Albert Daily Herald, 18 August 1975.

[257] Ibid.

[258] Waskesiu Visitor Services Plan, Prince Albert National Park (Winnipeg: Parks Canada, 1977), 133.

[259] Up to 2007, owners of portable cabins paid $350 per year for a twenty-four-week camping permit. Effective 1 April 2007, portable cabin owners were given a forty-two year, seven-month residential lease (April to October). The leaseholders pay rent based on the appraised value of the land (not the cabin and/or any improvements). T. Schneider to B. Waiser, e-mail communication, 11 March 2009.

[260] Prince Albert Daily Herald, 30 April 1971.

[261] An earlier version of this paper was presented to the 40th anniversary of the Canadian National Parks: Today and Tomorrow conference, University of Calgary, June 2008. The author is indebted to the advice of Dr. Robert Scace, one of the organizers of the earlier conference, for his account of the outlook of that time.

[262] J.B. Harkin, The Origin and Meaning of the National Parks of Canada (Ottawa: National Parks Branch, 1957), 12.

[263] Ibid.

[264] “Jim Thorsell Speaks at Banff Centre, May 2007,” http://www.banffcommunityfoundation.org.

[265] Walter Hildebrandt, “Historical Analysis of Parks Canada and Banff National Park 1968–1995,” unpublished report prepared for the Banff–Bow Valley Study, Dec. 1995, Parks Canada library, Calgary, 40–41; Paul Kopas, Taking the Air: Ideas and Change in Canada’s National Parks (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2007), 46–47.

[266] C.J. Taylor, “A History of Automobile Campgrounds in the Mountain National Parks of Canada,” unpublished report, Calgary, Parks Canada, 2001, 62.

[267] LAC, RG84, vol. 538, B36 Tunnel Mountain, Herman Edelberg M.D. to National Parks Branch, 5 July 1964.

[268] C.J. Taylor, “A History of Automobile Campgrounds,” 62–63.

[269] K.G. Crawford et al., Banff, Jasper and Waterton Lakes National Parks: A Report prepared for the Department of Northern Affairs and National Resources respecting certain aspects of the operation of these National Parks and the Townsites therein (Kingston: Institute of Local Government, Queen’s University, 1960); Peter H. Oberlander, Urban development plan: Banff, Alberta (Ottawa: National Parks Branch, Dept. of Northern Affairs and National Resources, 1961); Walter Hildebrandt, “Historical Analysis of Parks Canada and Banff National Park 1968–1995,” unpublished report prepared for the Banff–Bow Valley Study, Dec. 1995, Parks Canada library, Calgary, 47.

[270] Kopas, Taking the Air, 47.

[271] Canada. House of Commons, Debates, Session 1964, vol. VIII, 8192.

[272] “The objectives of national park policy must be to help Canadians gain the greatest long term recreational benefits from their national parks and at the same time provided safeguards against excessive or unsuitable types of development and use.” Ibid., 8192.

[273] Ibid., 8193.

[274] Canada. House of Commons, Debates, Session 1964, vol. VIII, 8194.

[275] Banff Crag and Canyon, 25 September 1963, 1.

[276] Robert McKeown, “Battle for our National Parkland,” Banff Crag and Canyon, 1 Nov. 1967, 11.

[277] “All National Parks in Nation Encouraged to Boost Skiing,” Banff Crag and Canyon, 17 March 1965, 1.

[278] Department of Northern Affairs and National Resources, National Parks Branch, “Winter Recreation and the National Parks: A Management Policy and a Development Program,” unpublished manuscript, March 1965.

[279] Canada. National Parks Service. “Banff National Park Provisional Master Plan” 1967, 3.

[280] Ibid., 4.

[281] Leslie Bella, Parks for Profit (Montreal: Harvest House, 1987), 110–12.

[282] Richard West Sellars, Preserving Nature in the National Parks (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1997), describes the Mission 66 building program and the reaction it sparked. Paul S. Sutter, Driven Wild: How the Fight Against Automobiles Launched the Modern Wilderness Movement (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2002), argues that highway building programs in U.S. national parks stimulated the organization of the modern wilderness movement to curtail what it saw as inappropriate development.

[283] Bob Scace, personal communication, 24 April 2008.

[284] J.G. Nelson, “Man and Landscape Change in Banff National Park: A National Park Problem in Perspective,” in The Canadian National Parks; today and tomorrow, proceedings of a conference organized by the National and Provincial Parks Association of Canada and the University of Calgary October 9–15, 1968, ed. J.G. Nelson and R.C. Scace, vol. 1, 138 (Calgary: University of Calgary, 1969).

[285] “Summaries and Discussion,” in The Canadian National Parks, ed. Nelson and Scace, vol. II, 969.

[286] Ian McTaggart Cowan, “The Role of Ecology in the National Park,” in The Canadian National Parks, ed. Nelson and Scace, II:931.

[287] “Summaries and Discussion,” in The Canadian National Parks, ed. Nelson and Scace, II:976.

[288] G.A. Leroy, “A Paper Submitted by Banff Advisory Council,” in The Canadian National Parks, ed. Nelson and Scace, II:801.

[289] W.W. Mair, “Natural History Interpretation: Key to the Future of the National Parks,” in “Fifth Annual Naturalists Workshop: Palisades National Parks Training Centre, Jasper National Park, Jasper, Alberta, July 3, 4, 5 1964.” Unpublished manuscript, Parks Canada library, Calgary.

[290] “Carolling Coyotes Ka-Powed,” Banff Crag and Canyon, 20 March 1968, 1.

[291] Letter to the editor, Banff Crag and Canyon, 3 April 1968, 4.

[292] Library and Archives Canada, RG 84, vol. 974, file B262, pt.1, Gerry Lee to L. Brooks, 27 March 1968.

[293] Ibid., B.I.M. Strong to superintendent, Banff, 8 Dec. 1959.

[294] Rodney Touche, Brown Cows, Sacred Cows: A True Story of Lake Louise (Hanna, AB: Gorman and Gorman, 1990), 131–47; Chic Scott, Powder Pioneers: Ski Stories from the Canadian Rockies and Columbia Mountains (Calgary: Rocky Mountain Books, 2005), 109.

[295] Banff Crag and Canyon, editorial, 4.

[296] Dr. Bruce Leeson, personal communication, May 2008.

[297] A.T. Davidson, “Canada’s National Parks: Past and Future,” in The Canadian National Parks: Today and Tomorrow Conference II (Waterloo: University of Waterloo, 1979), 1:23.

[298] Canadian Parks Service, Banff National Park Management Plan, 1988 (Ottawa: Environment Canada, 1988), 16.

[299] “Part of the problem is that the dominant culture of Parks Canada does not consider itself science based. The tendency is to place a low priority on ecological research and a higher priority on the provision of facilities for the benefit and safety of visitors.” Rick Searle, Phantom Parks: The Struggle to Save Canada’s National Parks (Toronto: Key Porter, 2000), 128.

[300] The author wishes to thank Alan MacEachern and Jim Taylor for references to parks bear files, films, and photographs, André D’Ulisse and François Houle, National Film Board Archive, for documents; and Ted Hart and Stephen Herrero for reading and commenting on an early version of this paper. Thanks, too, must go to Pamela Banting for her initial suggestions. I am indebted, in particular, to Bill Schmalz for taking much time in recounting his experiences filming Bears and Man. The article is dedicated to my “little bear,” Gabriel.

[301] Richard Harris, Creeping Conformity: How Canada became Suburban, 1900–1960 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004), 11–12, 130–32; Doug Owram, Born at the Right Time: A History of the Baby Boom Generation (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999); on overall American trends and the development of a “Drive-In Society,” see Kenneth Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier: The Suburbanization of the United States (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987); in Ontario, see Steve Penfold, “‘Are we to go literally to the hot dogs?’ Parking Lots, Drive-Ins, and the Critique of Progress in Toronto’s Suburbs, 1965–1975,” Urban History Review 33, no. 1 (2004): 8–23. James Morton Turner, “From Woodcraft to ‘Leave no Trace’: Wilderness, Consumerism, and Environmentalism in Twentieth-Century America,” Environmental History 7, no. 3 (2002): 475–76; Alan MacEachern, Natural Selections: National Parks in Atlantic Canada 1935–1970 (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2001), 162–63, 224, 220–22; Gregg Mitman, Reel Nature: America’s Romance with Wildlife in Film (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999), 105.

[302] James Morton Turner, “From Woodcraft to ‘Leave no Trace’,” 467–68; Victor B. Scheffer, The Shaping of Environmentalism in America (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1999), 41–42.

[303] Turner, “From Woodcraft to ‘Leave no Trace’,” 468–69; see, also, Reel Nature, 91; PearlAnn Reichwein, “Holiday at the Banff School of Fine Arts: The Cinematic Production of Culture, Nature, and Nation in the Canadian Rockies, 1945–1952,” Journal of Canadian Studies 39, no. 1 (2005): 56; Mark W.T. Harvey, A Symbol of Wilderness: Echo Park and the American Conservation Movement (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2000), 57–63.

[304] See “Of preservation and Use,” in Alan MacEachern, Natural Selections, 14–19. In many ways, the period was marked by the growing stress of unresolved pre-war contradictions implicit in marketing “wilderness” to tourists, who in turn peopled these places. See Gabrielle Zezulka-Mailloux, “Laying the Tracks for Tourism: Paradoxical Promotions and the Development of Jasper National Park,” in Culturing Wilderness in Jasper National Park: Studies in Two Centuries of Human History in the Upper Athabasca River Watershed, ed. I.S. MacLaren, 243–45 (Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 2007); in the United States, see Paul Sutter, Driven Wild: How the Fight against Automobiles Launched the Modern Wilderness Movement (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2002), 30–35, 40–47.

[305] Paul Schullery, Searching for Yellowstone: Ecology and Wonder in the Last Wilderness (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1997), 195–98.

[306] National Film Board Archives, Montreal (hereafter “NFBA”). See overview of the film’s potential television and theatrical audiences in Helène Dennie to Ken Preston, 4 May 1978, ‘Bears and Man’ correspondence file.

[307] From his present home in Langley, BC, Schmalz acknowledged the important contribution of parks naturalist Larry Halverson, Jasper warden Gordon Anderson, and glaciologist Dr. Ronald Goodman. He singled out Mike Porter, then information officer, later a prominent director in national parks, as key to shepherding the earlier stages of the production and seeing it approved by government. He also acknowledged the invaluable contributions of Kalle Lasn and Barbara Baxendale. Telephone interview, Schmalz to author, 2 July 2010.

[308] Library and Archives Canada, Ottawa [hereafter “LAC”] AC. J.R.B. Coleman used the term to describe the possible film project, 21 August 1967, RG84, A-2-a, vol. 2130, file U212, pt. 5.

[309] Richard White, “From Wilderness to Hybrid Landscapes: The Cultural Turn in Environmental History,” The Historian 66 (2004): 558. Schullery describes “a widespread public consciousness” of such parks as Yellowstone as “part of a greater ecosystem,” probably the most “important conceptual shift in public understanding.” Searching for Yellowstone, 197.

[310] See Mitman, Reel Nature, 85–87; D.B. Jones, Movies and Memoranda: An Interpretive history of the National Film Board (Toronto: Canadian Film Institute, 1981); Ted Magder, Canada’s Hollywood: The Canadian State and Feature Films (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1993).

[311] Mitman, Reel Nature, 90–91; on Henry Fairfield Osborn and films, see 101–2.

[312] Cynthia Chris, Watching Wildlife (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2006), x, 28–34. Ralph H. Lutts, “The Trouble with Bambi: Disney’s ‘Bambi’ and the American Vision of Nature,” Forest and Conservation History 36, no. 4 (1992): 160–71. In Canada, currents of post-war ideals in film are explored by PearlAnn Reichwein, “Holiday at the Banff School of Fine Arts: The Cinematic Production of Culture, Nature, and Nation in the Canadian Rockies, 1945–1952,” Journal of Canadian Studies 39, no. 1 (2005): 37. Jennifer Cypher and Eric Higgs, “Colonizing the Imagination: Disney’s Wilderness Lodge,” Capitalism, Nature, Socialism 8, no. 4 (1997): 107–30; and Eric Higgs, Nature by Design: People, Natural Process and Ecological Restoration (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2003).

[313] Keri Cronin, “‘The Bears are Plentiful and Frequently Good Camera Subjects’: Postcards and the Framing of Interspecies Encounters in the Canadian Rockies,” Mosaic 39, no. 4 (2006): 77–92. On the culturing of wilderness, see I.S. MacLaren, “Cultured Wilderness in Jasper National Park,” Journal of Canadian Studies 34, no. 3 (1999): 7–58.

[314] Almost with the very official opening of some park areas to autos – in Banff by 1910 – bear feeding followed. By 1921 the Edmonton Journal could report that “Feeding Bears is Popular Past Time in Jasper.” The 1921 article is cited (n.d.) in “Evolution of Bear Management in the Mountain National Parks.” Parks Canada, 2003.

[315] Tourists were warned of the potential danger of feeding bears from the very first decades of the century; signs discouraged the practice and the parks superintendent proposed formal educational campaigns as early as 1939; the National Park Game Act explicitly prohibited feeding bears by 1951. “Evolution of Bear Management in the Mountain National Parks.” Parks Canada, 2003. See the amendments to the regulations respecting game in the national parks of Canada, “to curb the dangerous practice of touching or feeding bears by making this practice an offence under the Game Regulations.” LAC, Précis, Nov. 16, 1951; RG84, a-2-a, vol. 2129, file u212, pt. 2.

[316] David Louter, Windshield Wilderness: Cars, Roads, and Nature in Washington’s National Parks (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2006), 59–60.

[317] Mitman, Reel Nature, 97. The tamed wild animal figures centrally in the 1919 film, “Back to God’s Country,” where a pet bear protects the heroine from villains. For analysis of the film, see Christopher E. Gittings, in, Canadian National Cinema: Ideology, Difference and Representation (London: Routledge, 2002), 21–25. Also, Pierre Berton, Hollywood’s Canada: The Americanization of our National Image (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1975), 27.

[318] See, in this volume, John Sandlos, “Nature’s Playgrounds: The Parks Branch and Tourism Promotion in the National Parks, 1911–1929.”

[319] Mabel B. Williams, Kootenay National Park and the Banff-Windermere Highway (Ottawa: Department of the Interior, 1928), 32, quoted in George Colpitts, Game in the Garden: A Human History of Wildlife in Western Canada to 1940 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2002), 160–63.

[320] Louter, Windshield Wilderness, 3–4, 12–13, 37–39; the individualism of autotourism is suggested in Hall K. Rothman, Devil’s Bargains: Tourism in the Twentieth-Century American West (Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 1998), 146–47.

[321] See Stephen Herrero’s documentation of bear habituation along roadsides in Bear Attacks: Their Causes and Avoidance (Piscataway, NJ: Winchester Press, 1985), 52; and on the ‘tolerant black bear,’ 92–94.

[322] In the U.S., parks officials were facing a similar problem on a much larger scale. Alice Wondrak Biel, Do (Not) Feed the Bears: The Fitful History of Wildlife and Tourists in Yellowstone (Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 2006), 14–15, 21–23.

[323] R.C. Scace, “Man and Grizzly Bear in Banff National Park, Alberta,” MA thesis, University of Calgary, 1972, 86.

[324] LAC. The postcards were “detrimental” to “any campaign we carry out against the feeding of bears,” Superintendent of Banff National Park, D.B. Coombs, 15 May 1959, RG84 A 2-a, vol. 229 K212, pt. 2.

[325] LAC. “[D]rivers of sightseeing buses and taxis are among the worst offenders, in that on sighting a bear they frequently stop and permit their passengers to alight from the vehicle for the purpose of taking pictures and feeding the bears.” H.A. deVeber, 3 November 1951; RG84, a-2-a, vol. 2129, file u212, pt. 2. For a good example of typical encounters, see “Bear clawing incident,” 10 July 1962, RG84, A-2-a, vol. 229, file K212, pt. 2.

[326] LAC. J.R.B. Coleman to Johnson, 4 January 1965, RG84, A-2-a, vol. 2130, file U212, pt. 5.

[327] Kingston Whig Standard, 15 July 1959. The cartoon was sent on to the parks director. RG84, A-2-a-, vol. 2130, file U212, pt. 4.

[328] LAC. “Catalogue of Motion Picture Films Distributed by the National Parks Bureau,” appearing in National Parks files in 1964, RG84, A-2-a, vol. 2063, file U1117-56, pt. 5.

[329] NFBA. The first to take on the project was Harry Rowed. “Mammals of the Mountain Parks” Memorandum, National Film Board, 29 April 1955, 54–411.

[330] NFBA Michael Spencer to Col. Homer S. Robinson, 4 May 1955, 54-411.

[331] NFBA Spencer to Robinson, 5 July 1955, 54-411; David Bairstow in Memorandum, 4 June 1956. Ibid. Bird’s qualifications are described in Spencer to J.R.B. Coleman, 27 July 1956, 54-411.

[332] LAC. Carrack was retained for a summer contract, Spencer to Robinson, 11 June 1956.

[333] NFBA, Proposed Title Slide, and Letter, Michael Spencer to H. S. Robinson, 28 May 1957. 54-411. By 12 June, the title was changed to “Mammals of the Mountain Parks.”

[334] NFBA “Commentary,” Wildlife in the Rockies, National Film Board Archives, 54-411.

[335] The narrator added a cautionary note: “Visitors should avoid the temptation to make friends, or to feed the bears. They are unpredictable, and sometimes dangerous. Their diet ranges from ant eggs to small deer.” NFBA “Commentary” Short Version, Wildlife in the Rockies, 54-411.

[336] NFBA “Mammals of the Mountain Parks” objective and description, 54-411.

[337] As quoted in Reichwein, “Holiday at the Banff School of Fine Arts,” 57.

[338] LAC. Robinson to Greenlee, 17 January 1961, NAC, RG84, A-2-a, vol. 2062, file U117, pt. 46.

[339] LAC. 4 July 1960, Outline, “Away from it all,” RG84, A-2-a, vol. 2063, file U117-56-19, pt. 1.

[340] LAC. Marsha Porte, Review, ‘The Enduring Wilderness,’ Film News, October 1964, in RG84, A-2-a, vol. 2064, file U117-56-20.

[341] LAC. RG84, A-2-a, vol. 2062, reel T-16023; See RG84, A-2-a-, vol. 2063 U-117-56-20 for George Stirett to Coleman, 22 October 1962.

[342] LAC. S.L. Roberts to Chapman, 28 June 1962, ibid.

[343] LAC. Mair to Reeve, 24 December 1964. RG84, A-2-a-, vol. 2063, file U117-56, pt. 5.

[344] LAC. Alex Keen memo, same date, ibid.

[345] LAC. The expression was made on 10 September 1958 by the superintendent of Kootenay National Park, RG84, A-2-a, vol. 2130, file U212, pt. 3.

[346] LAC. Coleman admitted that culling was “one of our most effective measures of control” in a memorandum 22 October 1958, ibid., Supt. G.H.W. Ashley, at Prince Albert, 12 September 1958, was pessimistic: “If we must accept that bears are undesirable in areas of the Park frequented by visitors, it is my belief that the solution to the problem will depend on the application of all of the practical aspects of the suggestions mentioned, including the trapping and destruction of all bears entering such used areas. This will be a continuous seasonal operation, and will eventually result in a very drastic reduction in the bear populations in Parks.”

[347] LAC. RG84, A-2-a, vol. 229, T-12954, J 36, Jasper National Park Campground Report, 1963–64.

[348] LAC. Western national parks: Cumulative totals for season as at end of October 1962, RG84, A-2-a, vol. 2130, file U212, pt. IV.

[349] LAC. Mitchell memorandum, 6 September 1962, in RG84, A-2-a, vol. 229. K.B. Mitchell, in Jasper, stated that “up until 1957 it was a rare occurrence to see a bear [in town] but last year for some unknown reason the bear population suddenly increased and the townsite was invaded by about a dozen bears at one time.” 9 September 1958, RG84, A-2-a, vol. 2130, file U212, pt. 3.

[350] LAC. R.T. Flanagan, 14 September 1967, RG84, A-2-a, vol. 2130, file U212, pt. V. It involved a parks worker, Frederick Sturdy, who was mauled at night near the Maligne Lake garbage dump in Jasper in 1965. See Sid Marty, The Black Grizzly of Whiskey Creek, 30.

[351] LAC. R.T. Flanagan, 14 September 1967, RG84, A-2-a, vol. 2130, file U212, pt. V.

[352] LAC. Coleman Letter, 21 August 1967, ibid.

[353] LAC. “I am afraid there is no information on the ratio of ‘wilderness’ bears to ‘campground’ bears on which I can base a statement. Certainly there are sizeable wilderness areas in all the National Parks of the mountains but I do not know if bears living in these areas would not, on occasion, wander into visitor-use areas.” J.R.B. Coleman to Johnson, 4 January 1965, RG84, A-2-a-, vol. 2130, file U212, pt. 5.

[354] Stephen Herrero, “Introduction to the Biology and Management of Bears,” in Bears: Their Biology and Management (Papers of the International Conference on Bear Research and Management, Calgary, Canada, November 1970), (Morges: International Union, 1972), 11–12.

[355] “Bighorn” Theatrical Release Publicity, NFB, 1970. National Film Board of Canada website, http://www.onf-nfb.gc.ca.

[356] In a note to the author, Schmalz recounted that it “was the avoidable mishandling” of a situation involving a female grizzly and her two cubs by parks wardens that prompted him to propose the film. He had spent time observing and filming the cubs with their mother while they lived “undisturbed” by humans. A few months later, the trio was attracted to a nearby recently opened campground and its easily available food. Wardens then set up a single live trap in which only the mother ended up being caught. This left two very upset ‘orphaned’ cubs to wander through the campground. The wardens then shot and killed the cubs. Instead of closing the campground when the grizzly family first appeared, “the campers were given priority and allowed to remain and the bears had to go.” Wardens told Schmalz and the public that the cubs had been simply “tranquilized.” “Apparently they were afraid of park visitor reaction to the killing. However, it was clear to me that … [o]nce educated, park visitors would understand and tolerate campgrounds or trails closures when bears were present. They would be motivated to be careful with keeping their food and other attractants from bears and to respect their wildness. I knew a good film would help do this.” Personal communication, Schmalz to author, 7 July 2010.

[357] Herrero described Wilf Ethrington’s mauling in Bear Attacks, 45–47. The impact of Ethrington’s death on parks wardens is well described by Sid Marty, The Black Grizzly of Whiskey Creek, 33.

[358] NFBA, Schmalz, “Bears and Man Film Report, December 1974,” Bears and Man correspondence file.

[359] Telephone Interview with Bill Schmalz, 18 August 2008; in the rough cuts, Schmalz had included the shot because it showed what happened when tourists fed bears, “the consequences of their actions. But the park service did not want that in the film.”

[360] Schmalz interview, 18 August 2008: “We had to write for [Dan George]. He was getting on by then, maybe he was getting tired. He would fall asleep in his chair, and it took two or three or four sessions working with him, trying to get him to say his lines. Finally we had him read the script. We both worked on that (the lines that include the spirit of the great bear).”

[361] NFBA Bears and Man script, undated.

[362] Shepard Kretch III, The Ecological Indian: Myth and History (New York: W.W. Norton, 1999), 20–24.

[363] Schmalz remembered that teenagers on the scene had initially feared the bears, but, after a half hour of watching other tourists feeding them, they gained their bravado to join in.

[364] Communicated to the author, 15 June 2010.

[365] Herrero disagreed with the view of those advocating eradication and supported the need for public education, “to be carried out by parks personnel, scientists and wildlife appreciators.” Herrero, “Introduction to the Biology and Management of Bears,” 13.

[366] Tina Loo, “From Wildlife to Wild Places,” States of Nature: Conserving Canada’s Widllife in the Twentieth Century (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2006), 183–209.

[367] This chapter is based on my master’s thesis, Idéal de nature sauvage et transformation des territorialités au parc national de la Mauricie, 1969–1977, Université du Québec à Trois-Rivières, 2008, 130 pages. Many thanks to my supervisor, Professor Stéphane Castonguay, Chairholder of the Canada Research Chair in the Environmental History of Québec.

[368] For examples of stories celebrating national parks, see: W.F. Lothian, A Brief History of Canada’s National Parks (Ottawa: Parks Canada, 1987); Kevin McNamee, “From Wild Places to Endangered Places: A History of Canada’s National Parks,” in Parks and Protected Areas in Canada: Planning and Management, ed. Philip Dearden and Rick Rollins, 21–49 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002); Kevin McNamee, “Preserving Canada’s Wilderness Legacy: A Perspective on Protected Areas,” in Protected Areas and the Regional Planning Imperative in North America: Integrating Nature Conservation and Sustainable Development, ed. J.G. Nelson et al., 25–44 (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 2003); R.G. Wright and D.J. Mattson, “The Origins and Purposes of National Parks and Protected Areas,” in National Parks and Protected Areas: Their Role in Environmental Protection, ed. R.G. Wright, 3–14 (Blackwell Science, 1996).

[369] Roderick Nash, “The American Invention of National Parks,” American Quarterly 22, no. 3 (1970): 726.

[370] Henry-David Thoreau, Walden: or, Life in the Woods ; and on the Duty of Civil Disobedience (New York: Signet Classic, 1999).

[371] William Cronon, “The Trouble with Wilderness: Or, Getting Back to the Wrong Nature,” Environmental History 1, no. 1 (1996): 13; Karl Jacoby, Crimes against Nature: Squatters, Poachers, Thieves, and the Hidden History of American Conservation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003); John Sandlos, Hunters at the Margin: Native People and Wildlife Conservation in the Northwest Territories (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2007); Alan MacEachern, Natural Selections: National Parks in Atlantic Canada, 1935–1970 (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2001), 328; J. Keri Cronin, “Manufacturing National Park Nature: Photography, Ecology and the Wilderness Industry of Jasper National Park,” (PhD dissertation, Kingston, Queen’s University, 2004), 419.

[372] Alan MacEachern, “Voices Crying in the Wilderness: Recent Works in Canadian Environmental History,” Acadiensis 31, no. 2 (2002): 215–26.

[373] The federal agency responsible for Canada’s national parks changes names several times during its history. From 1966 to 1973, it is known as the National and Historic Parks Branch. From 1973 onwards, it is named Parks Canada. Much of the development of the park at La Mauricie occurs before 1973, so this essay accordingly uses both names.

[374] http://www.pc.gc.ca/progs/np-pn/res-syst_e.asp [Consulted 31 August 2008].

[375] Parks Canada Guiding Principles and Operational Policies. http://www.pc.gc.ca/eng/docs/pc/poli/princip/sec2/part2a/part2a2.aspx [21 July 2008].

[376] Kevin McNamee, “Preserving Canada’s Wilderness Legacy”; MacEachern, Natural Selections, 328; R.C. Brown, “The Doctrine of Usefulness: Natural Resources and National Policy in Canada”, in Canadian Parks in Perspective, ed. J.G. Nelson and R.C. Scace, 46–62 (Montreal: Harvest House, 1970); C.J. Taylor, “Legislating Nature: The National Parks Act of 1930,” Canadian Issues 13 (1991): 127; Janet Foster, Working for Wildlife: The Beginning of Preservation in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1978), 6.

[377] Harkin to C.D. Richard, 13 June 1927, in Taylor, “Legislating Nature,” 133.

[378] Taylor, “Legislating Nature,” 5; MacEachern, Natural Selections, 23ff.

[379] A truism of the environmental historiography since Cronon’s Uncommon Ground: Rethinking the Human Place in Nature, (New York: W.W. Norton, 1996), 561.

[380] K. Olwig, “Reinventing Common Nature: Yosemite and Mount Rushmore – A Meandering Tale of a Double Nature,” in Uncommon Ground: Toward Reinventing Nature, ed. W. Cronon, 379–408 (New York: W.W. Norton, 1995).

[382] Patrick Moquay, “La référence régionale au Québec. Les visions étatiques de la région et leurs incarnations,” in L’institutionnalisation du territoire au Canada, J.P. Augustin, 92ff. (Québec: Presses de l’Université Laval, 1996); René Hardy and Normand Séguin, eds., Histoire de la Mauricie (Québec: Institut québécois de recherche sur la culture, 2004) 837ff.

[383] M.S. Searle and R.E. Brayley, Leisure Service in Canada: An Introduction (Venture Publishing, 2000), 22ff.

[384] Paul-Louis Martin, La chasse au Québec (Montréal: Éditions du Boréal, 1990), 162; Michel Bellefleur, L’évolution du loisir au Québec: essai sociohistorique (Québec: Presses de l’Université du Québec, 1997), 163–69; Canada Land Inventory, Objectives, Scope and Organization, Report 1, cited by C.S. Brown, “Federal-Rural Development Programs and Recreation Resources,” in Canadian Parks in Perspective, ed. J.G. Nelson and R.C. Scace, 239 (Montreal: Harvest House, 1970); Bruno Jean, “La ‘ruralité’ bas-laurentienne: développement agricole et sous-développement rural,” Recherches sociographiques 29, no. 2 (1998): 242; Bruno Jean, “Les études rurales québécoises entre les approches monographiques et typologiques,” Recherches sociographiques 47, no. 3 (2006): 511; Moquay, “La référence régionale au Québec.” For a critical history of the project of a park in the Gaspésie region, see J.M. Thibeault, “La création d’un premier parc national au Québec: le parc Forillon, 1969–70.” Master’s thesis, Université de Sherbrooke, 1991.

[385] Lothian, A Brief History of Canada’s National Parks, 25.

[386] Jean Chrétien, “Our Evolving National Parks System,” in The Canadian National Parks: Today and Tomorrow, ed. Nelson and Scace, 10.

[387] Parcs Canada – Centre de services du Québec (PC-CSQ), L’aménagement d’un parc en Mauricie, 24 March 1971, 5–6.

[388] Parks Canada’s economists referred heavily to Banff and Cape-Breton parks to estimate that 1 million visitors per year would visit the new park in the Mauricie (in Library and Archives Canada, RG22, 1229, 321-1, 3, Prévisions sur l’effet économique d’un parc en Mauricie, 26 février 1970). According to Parks Canada’s Planning Division, touristic expenses for the region, based on a 1.5 million visitors per year projection, could also reach “a conservative estimate of $5.4 millions” (in Parks Canada, Economic Aspects of the Proposed St. Maurice National Park, March 1970, 1). Those numbers never came; the average for the ten first years of the park’s activity topped 250,000 visitors per year (in Denis Pronovost, “Les retombées économiques du parc national: les meilleures années sont à venir!”, Le Nouvelliste, 4 septembre 1981).

[389] The spruce plantation established by La Laurentide became known as the “Grand-Mère plantation.” Lothian, A Brief History of Canada’s National Parks, 135–42.

[390] SEREQ, La Mauricie National Park, 1971, 27.

[391] Thierry Bouin, Aménagement et exploitation faunique antérieurs à la création du parc national de la Mauricie (1970). (Ottawa: Service de la conservation et des ressources naturelles, 1979), 4–5; Martin, La chasse au Québec; Hardy and Séguin, Histoire de la Mauricie

[392] SEREQ, La Mauricie National Park, 1971, 27; Jérémy Pringault, “Le parc national de la Mauricie: mise en valeur d’un espace protégé dans la perspective du développement durable” (master’s thesis, Université de Caen, France, 1994) 67; Royal St-Arnaud, “La Mauricie est la région la plus importante au domaine forestier,” Le Nouvelliste, 17 September 1971; PC-CSQ, Bouin, Aménagement et exploitation faunique, vii.

[393] Martin, La chasse au Québec, 170; Serge Gagnon, L’échiquier touristique québécois (Sainte-Foy: Presses de l’Université du Québec, 2003), 295.

[394] Archives nationales du Canada (ANC), RG84, 2344, C-1445-101/L1, 3, Rapports semi-annuels des surintendants, 24 May 1973.

[395] Pringault, “Le parc national de la Mauricie,” 67, Bouin, Aménagement et exploitation faunique, 36 and 47.

[396] Paige West, James Ingoe, and Dan Brockington, “Parks and Peoples: The Social Impact of Protected Areas,” Annual Review of Anthropology 35 (2006): 260ff.

[397] Thomas R. Dunlap, “Wildlife, Science, and the National Parks, 1920–1940,” Pacific Historical Review 59, no. 2 (1990): 187–202; Thomas R. Dunlap, “Ecology, Nature, and Canadian National Park Policy: Wolves, Elk, and Bison as a Case Study,” in To See Ourselves/to Save Ourselves: Ecology and Culture in Canada, ed. Rowland Lorimer, 139–47 (Montreal: Association for Canadian Studies, 1990); Richard West Sellars, Preserving Nature in the National Parks: A History (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1997); Gerald Killan and George Warecki, “J.R. Dymond and Frank A. Macdougall: Science and Government Policy in Algonquin Provincial Park, 1931–1954,” Scientia Canadensis 22, no. 51 (1998): 131–56; Alan MacEachern, “Rationality and Rationalization in Canadian National Parks Policy,” in Consuming Canada: Readings in Environmental History, ed. Chad Gaffield and Pam Gaffield, 197–212 (Toronto: Copp Clark, 1995).

[398] ANC, RG22, 998, 321-10, 1, Lefebvre to Chrétien, 7 October 1970.

[399] ANC, RG 22, 998, 321-10, 1, Chrétien to Lefebvre, 4 November 1970.

[400] Article 9 of the National Parks Policy indicates that “no research, except that which is needed by the park itself, can be pursued within a park if an appropriate site for the research can be found elsewhere.” Canada, Direction des parcs nationaux et des lieux historiques, Politique des parcs nationaux (Ottawa: Affaires indiennes et du Nord, Parcs Canada, 1969), 4, 6.

[401] Parks Canada – Office national – Bureau central de classement (PC-ON-BCC), C-98103L1, Desmeules to Lesaux, 26 January 1971.

[402] Louis Machabée, “La double nature de la nature: une analyse sociologique de la naturalisation des espaces verts en milieu urbain.” Doctoral thesis, Université du Québec à Montréal, 2002, p. 26.

[403] SEREQ, La Mauricie National Park, 1971, p. 60.

[404] PC-ON-BCC, C-8320/L1, La Mauricie National Park – Visit of the Interpretive Specialist R.C. Gray, June 9th to 15th, 1971, 25 June 1971, 9–10.

[405] Ibid.

[406] PC-CSQ, Parcs Canada, Plan directeur provisoire: parc national de la Mauricie, 1975, p. 53.

[407] PC-CSQ, Parcs Canada, Manuel de planification du réseau des parcs nationaux, 1972, p. 3–4.

[408] Parcs Canada, Manuel de planification, 48.

[409] Suzanne Zellers, Inventing Canada: Early Victorian Science and the Idea of a Transcontinental Nation (Toronto: University of Torono Press, 1988).

[410] Parcs Canada, Manuel de planification, 107.

[411] Parcs Canada, Manuel de planification, 115.

[412] The annual report of fiscal year 1971–72 confirms this effacement of human dimensions of territories made into reserves. It indicates that the new scientific management of Canadian National Parks is inspired by “the principle that the natural park system must protect not only the unique and characteristic regions of the Canadian landscape, but also those that present physical and biological elements that are typically Canadian” (in Parcs Canada, Rapport annuel: Année financière 1971/1972, 1972, p. 9).

[413 ]“The place where we are is the place where nature is not,” in William Cronon, “The Trouble with Wilderness: Or, Getting Back to the Wrong Nature,” Environmental History 1, no. 1 (1996): 17.

[414] MacEachern, Natural Selections, 3-4.

[415] Carole Pronovost, “Au parc national de la Mauricie: Inauguration d’un centre d’interprétation de la nature,” Le Nouvelliste, 5 August 1972.

[416] PC-ON-BCC, C-8333/L1, Nicol to the Regional Director (Central Region), 1 February 1972.

[417] On the use of Aboriginal folklore by governmental agencies, see: Tina Loo, “Making a Modern Wilderness: Conserving Wildlife in Twentieth-Century Canada,” Canadian Historical Review 82, no. 1 (2001): 101–103; and Patricia Jasen, Wild Things: Nature, Culture, and Tourism in Ontario, 1790–1914 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1995), 13 and following.

[418] PC-CSQ, Parcs Canada, Plan directeur provisoire: parc national de la Mauricie (1975) 31.

[419] Parks Canada Guiding Principles and Operational Policies. http://www.pc.gc.ca/eng/docs/pc/poli/princip/sec2/part2a/part2a2.aspx [accessed 21 July 2008].

[420] Parcs Canada, Manuel de planification…, 3.

[421] Cronon, “The Trouble with Wilderness,” loc. cit.; Eric Kaufmann, “Naturalizing the Nation: The Rise of Naturalistic Nationalism in the United States and Canada,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 40, no. 4 (1998): 666–95.

[422] For a recent discussion on this subject by one contributor of this book, see David Neufeld, “Indigenous peoples and protected heritage areas: Acknowledging cultural pluralism,” in K. S. Hanna et al., ed., Transforming Parks and Protected Areas: Policy Governance in a Changing World (New York: Routledge, 2008), chap. 10.

[423] In this regard, see Alan MacEachern, Natural Selections: National Parks in Atlantic Canada, 1935–70 (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2001).

[424] In a similar case of whitewashing the past, the Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada put up a plaque in 2004 to tell the story of the Melanson settlement, just outside Annapolis Royal, Nova Scotia, to mark a site where an Acadian community had existed prior to the deportation. Oddly, the plaque indicated that the Melansons had “abandoned” the settlement in 1755, as if they had had a choice.

[425] Jean Bourbonnais, Kouchibouguac: L’histoire de Jackie Vautour et des expropriés (Moncton: Bellefeuille Production et Productions Vic Pelletier, 2007).

[426] This is a rather cursory description of the Kouchibouguac story. A more complete chronicle can be found in Report of the Special Inquiry on Kouchibouguac National Park (Gérard La Forest, Chairman; Muriel Kent-Roy, Commissioner), October 1981; hereafter referred to as La Forest/Kent-Roy.

[427] Joy Parr, Sensing Changes: Technologies, Environments, and the Everyday, 1954–2003 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2010); Jennifer Nelson, Razing Africville: A Geography of Racism (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2008); Jean-Paul Raymond, La Mémoire de Mirabel: le président des expropriés, Jean-Paul Raymond, se raconte à Gilles Boileau (Montréal: Méridien, 1988). There were many other such examples, all cases of what James C. Scott has called “high modernism,” which found the state imposing its will in the name of “progress” with scant regard for the interests of those already resident on the land, often viewing their displacement as in their own interest. For Scott’s classic statement of the dangers of high modernism, see his Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1998).

[428] See, in particular, the essays by Bill Waiser, David Neufeld, Brad Martin, and I.S. MacLaren.

[429] MacEachern, Natural Selections, 42.

[430] Archives du Centre d’études acadiennes, Université de Moncton (hereafter CEA), Fonds Muriel-Kent-Roy, 188–119: “Proposed Kouchibouguac National Park: Preliminary Report, March 16, 1967.” The La Forest/Kent-Roy commission observed that in the park territory “are found many different kinds of animals, fish, birds and plants … [including] seals at play on the offshore islands, and 27 specific species of orchids including one hybrid believed to be unique” (5).

[431] Provincial Archives of New Brunswick (PANB), RS106. 16/6, Dollard Landry, “Report on Survey of Kent County National Park: A Study of Its People and Their Relocation,” 16 September 1968.

[432] New Brunswick’s New National Park: What does it mean for the residents of Kent County? (Fredericton: Government of New Brunswick, 1968).

[433] Joel Belliveau, “Acadian New Brunswick’s Ambivalent Leap into the Canadian Liberal Order,” in Creating Postwar Canada: Community, Diversity, and Dissent 1945–75, ed. Magda Fahrni and Robert Rutherdale, 69 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2008). Belliveau provides an excellent overview of changes in Acadie during the 1960s and 1970s that are pertinent to the Kouchibouguac story.

[434] La Forest/Kent-Roy, 26.

[435] PANB, RS639: C7, statement of R.S. MacLaggan to Interdepartmental Committee, 26 November 1968.

[436] For the disinclination of Acadians to express their grievances on a public stage, see my Remembering and Forgetting in Acadie: A Historian’s Journey through Public Memory (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2009).

[437] Moncton, in particular, was a site of protest, represented as it was by the infamous Mayor Leonard Jones (1964–73), who preferred the deferential Acadians of the 1950s. An interesting view of the Université de Moncton students can be found in the documentary film, L’Acadie l’Acadie?!?, ONF, 1971.

[438] Belliveau, “Acadian New Brunswick,” 76; Belliveau has also dealt with the student movement of the time in “Contributions estudiantines à la Révolution tranquille acadienne,” in Regards croisés sur l’histoire et la littérature acadiennes, ed. Madeleine Frédéric and Serge Jaumin, 169–90 (Brussels: Peter Lang, 2006).

[439] La Forest/Kent-Roy, 12.

[440] Ibid., 74.

[441] Globe and Mail, 5 June 1972.

[442] L’Évangéline, 28 March 1974.

[443] La Forest/Kent-Roy, 12. In addition to the skyrocketing costs needed to resolve questions of property rights, the original estimate of $300,000 to extinguish fishing rights ended up at a final price of $2.2 million, and that did not even entirely do the job.

[444] On the subject of the petition, see La Forest/Kent-Roy, 88.

[445] Globe and Mail, 19 March 1980.

[446] Ibid., 4 April 1980, 26 April 1980.

[447] Ottawa Citizen, 29 October 1987.

[448] Of course, the notion that the residents of Kouchibouguac might have been allowed to remain to play the roles of characters in a theme park has problems of its own.

[449] MacEachern, Natural Selections, 238; Kopas, Taking the Air: Ideas and Change in Canada’s National Parks (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2007), 88; A.T. Davidson, “Canada’s National Parks: Past and Future,” in The Canadian National Parks: Today and Tomorrow Conference II: Ten Years Later, ed. J.G. Nelson et al., 26 (Waterloo: University of Waterloo, Faculty of Environmental Studies, 1979).

[450] See, for instance, Robert Viau, Les visages d’Évangeline: Du poème au mythe (Beauport: MNH, 1998); I also discuss such issues in Remembering and Forgetting in Acadie. The reference to the Acadian deportation as an act of “ethnic cleansing” comes from John Mack Faragher, A Great and Noble Scheme (New York: W.W. Norton, 2005), 469.

[451] L’Évangéline, 12 November 1976; 23 November 1976; 19 November 1976.

[452] Jules Boudreau, Cochu et le Soleil (Moncton: Éditions d’Acadie, 1979), n.p.

[453] The first of these works can be seen at: http://web.umoncton.ca/gaum/roussel/en_relief/en_relief9.html. Roussel gave the second work to Vautour in recognition of his resistance (e-mail correspondence with the artist, 13 March 2008).

[454] http://zacharyrichard.com/english/reports2006.html.

[455] Zachary Richard, La Ballade de Jackie Vautour (1978); Richard’s English translation of the lyrics is available at: http://zacharyrichard.com/francais/parolesetpoesie.html. In some versions of the lyrics, there is a short poem that was not recorded and which refers directly to Vautour’s removal from his land:

        Richard returned to the same representation of Vautour twenty years later when he recorded a song that had already achieved some success for the Acadian band, Zéro Celsius. Petit Codiac (written by the band’s Yves Chiasson) has in its refrain a tribute to various “freedom fighters,” including Crazy Horse, Beausoleil [Broussard], Louis Riel, and Jackie Vautour.

[456] Zachary Richard, blog posted, 5 July 2006, http://zacharyrichard.com/english/reports2006.html; blog posted, 1 June 2005, http://zacharyrichard.com/english/reports2005.html.

[457] Gérald Leblanc. Moncton Mantra, trans. Jo-Anne Elder (Toronto: Guernica Editions, 2001), 86. Leblanc billed this work as an autobiographical novel.

[458] Gérald Leblanc, L’extrême frontière. Poèmes : 1972–1988 (Moncton: Éditions d’Acadie, 1988), 57–58; 1755, Kouchibouguac, in album Vivre à la Baie, 1979. Leblanc wrote many of the lyrics for 1755. This particular poem/song, however, was sufficiently important in defining Leblanc’s career that in the film L’extrême frontière (NFB, 2006) dedicated to his life (he died in 2005) it was played from time to time, leading up to a short rendition performed by Zachary Richard near the close.

[459] The role of the NFB in representing a Canadian national park is also the subject of George Colpitts’s essay in this volume. While Kouchibouguac was in opposition to the creation of the park, the film discussed by Colpitts, Bears and Man (1978), was funded by Parks Canada, which wanted to stop visitors from feeding the animals. The films were both produced in the late 1970s and dealt with similar issues in the sense that Bears and Man advocated separating humans from animals within the parks, and in that regard echoed the problem at the core of the Kouchibouguac crisis, namely that residents could not live within a park.

[460] David Lonergan, “La mémoire nécessaire,” Acadie nouvelle, 29 September 2007.

[461] Jacques Savoie, Raconte-moi Massabielle (Moncton: Éditions d’Acadie, 1979); Massabielle (NFB, 1983). While most of the elements of the novel were carried over to the film (directed and with a screenplay by Savoie), it was very short (only 25 minutes) and some elements of the novel were purged, so as to keep the focus on Haché, the lawyer, and Stella.

[462] See, for instance, Tony Simons, “‘Raconte-moi Acadie’: The Competing Voices of Acadia in Jacques Savoie’s Novel Raconte-Moi Massabielle and his film Massabielle,” in Francophone Post-Colonial Cultures: Critical Essays, ed. Kamal Salhi, 251–61 (Lanham, MD: Lexington, 2003).

[463] Simons, “‘Raconte-moi Acadie’,” 255.

[464] Nelson Landry, “‘Kouchibouguac’ la nostalgie,” L’Évangéline, 26 March 1979.

[465] Special Inquiry, 75; 83. After having viewed the film, Gérard La Forest wrote that the film makers did “not mind twisting reality a bit to convince people” (CEA, 188-1114).

[466] Ibid., 110.

[467] Acadie nouvelle, 30 July 2007. Interestingly, Parks Canada had a similar reunion only a week later for those who had been expropriated from Parc Forillon in Quebec, which was created in 1970. Radio-Canada (Est du Québec), “Parc Forillon: Retour émouvant des expropriés,” http://www.radio-canada.ca/regions/est-quebec/2007/08/03/005-forillon-expropriation.asp?ref=rss. Further reunions, both of which I had the good fortune to attend, took place at Kouchibouguac during the summers of 2008 and 2009.

[468] “Parcs Canada tend un rameau d’olivier aux expropriés de Kouchibouguac,” radioacif.com, 30 September 2007, http://www.radioactif.com/nouvelles/imprime-32082-2.html.

[469] Acadie nouvelle, 12 January 2008. A visitor’s centre, providing significant attention to the lives of the families that had been removed, is slated to open in 2011.

[470] http://zacharyrichard.com/english/reports2006.html

[471] While the population of New Brunswick declined between 1996 and 2001, Dieppe’s increased by nearly 20 per cent. Moreover, while Acadian incomes lagged behind those of English-speakers everywhere else in the province, in Dieppe the Acadians had average incomes higher than those of their English-speaking counterparts. Gilles Grenier, “Linguistic and Economic Characteristics of Francophone Minorities in Canada: A Comparison of Ontario and Quebec,” Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 18 (1997): 297; Census of Canada, 1996; 2001.

[472] These celebrations are discussed in my Remembering and Forgetting in Acadie, but also in the documentary film that I produced and Leo Aristimuño directed: Life After Île Ste-Croix (Montreal: NFB, 2006).

[473] Speech by Michel Cyr, 26 June 2004.

[474] The plays are by Emma Haché, (Wolfe) and Marcel-Romain Thériault (La persistance du sable); the novel is by Jean Babineau (Infini).

[475] David Lonergan, “La mémoire nécessaire,” Acadie nouvelle, 29 September 2007.

[476] Sylvie Mousseau, “Le combat de Jackie Vautour sur grand écran,” Acadie nouvelle, 20 September 2007.

[477] I must acknowledge the citizens of Haines Junction and Burwash Landing for their continuing interest in what happens in Kluane National Park and Reserve. Both the Champagne and Aishihik First Nations and Kluane First Nation are active players in shaping the future of the national park and this can only be done through a sound understanding of the past. Their keen public interest in the national park was one of the primary reasons for the preparation of this chapter.

        Parks Canada provides a supportive environment for thoughtful reflection upon its work. Colleagues within the Agency remain interested in reviewing, and often challenging, my work to make it better. In this regard I especially note Mary Jane Johnson, Anne Chilibeck, Laura Gorecki, Ron Chambers, Duane West, and Anne Landry, who involved me in their discussions and work on the park, responded to my calls for help, and supported this research. Gail Lotenberg’s contracted research on the history of wildlife management in the south west Yukon is also a valued supporting piece for this chapter.

        In the academy I remain indebted to Dr. Julie Cruikshank, University of British Columbia, who has guided me with kind and sage advice since I arrived in the Yukon in 1986. Dr. Glen Coulthard, University of British Columbia, introduced me to the literature on Indigenous resistance and resilience, which led me to rethink approaches to national park history. I also appreciate the care and skill that Dr. Paul Nadasdy, Cornell University, exercised in suggesting both additional research sources and corrections to an earlier draft paper. I also learned much from working collaboratively with Brad Martin, PhD candidate, Northwestern University, on our chapters. I would also like to thank the anonymous reviewers for the University of Calgary Press for their comments. Dr. Claire Campbell, Dalhousie University, remained, always, a friendly, skilled, and patient editor, encouraging all of the book’s authors to share and exchange ideas and making this book a pleasure to contribute to.

[478] Jean Chrétien, Foreword to John B. Theberge, ed., Kluane: Pinnacle of the Yukon (Toronto: Doubleday Canada, 1980), vii–viii. Theberge, a wildlife ecologist at the University of Waterloo – a hot bed of protected area studies in the 1970s – began biological research in the southwest Yukon in 1970. He was an active and effective proponent of national park status for Kluane.

[479] John B. Theberge, “Kluane National Park,” in Northern Transitions, vol. 1, Northern Resource and Land Use Policy Study, ed. E.B. Peterson and J.B. Wright, 153–89 (Ottawa: Canadian Arctic Resources Committee, 1978).

[480] James C. Scott, Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1998), highlights four elements, all present in the Kluane story, leading to “tragic episodes of state-initiated social engineering.” These are: 1) the administrative ordering of nature and society, 2) high modernist ideology, described as “a strong … self-confidence about scientific and technical progress, … [and] the mastery of nature (including human nature),” 3) “an authoritarian state,” and 4) “a prostrate society that lacks the capacity to resist these plans.”

[481] Theberge expresses some surprise at the sudden appearance of the Indigenous voice at the national park discussions in the early 1970s. “Native people did not express concern over the announcement of Kluane National Park, nor were their interests represented or discussed by the Senate committee. Either the native people were not initially concerned, or they did not know how or where to express their viewpoint.… In summary, the native people entered the conflict late.” Theberge, “Kluane National Park,” 178–79.

[482] Chrétien, Foreword in Theberge, Kluane, vii.

[483] Southern Tutchone is a linguistic designation of the Athapaskan subgroup living in the southwestern Yukon Territory. Contemporary political groupings include the Champagne and Aishihik, Kluane and White River First Nations. M. Krause and V. Golla, Northern Athapaskan Languages; J. Helm, ed., Handbook of Northern American Indians, vol. 6, Subarctic (Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1981), 70.

[484] D. Neufeld, “Imposed by the Current: The Yukon River as a Cultural Route,” Momentum 10, no. 1 (2002): 34–39.

[485] Paul Nadasdy, Hunters and Bureaucrats: Power, Knowledge, and Aboriginal-State Relations in the Southwest Yukon (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2003), chap. 1: Aboriginal-State Relations in Kluane Country: An Overview.

[486] Yukon Archives, YRG1, Series 2, vol. 23, file 29299, letter J.D. McLean to John Hawksley, 4 March 1914.

[487] Gail Lotenberg, Recognizing Diversity: An Historical Context for Co-managing Wildlife in the Kluane Region, 1890 – Present, Parks Canada research manuscript, March, 1998.

[488] Harvey A. Feit, “Re-cognizing Co-management as Co-governance: Visions and Histories of Conservation at James Bay,” Anthropologica 47, no. 2 (2005): 267, suggests this point.

[489] John Muir’s promotion of the wonders of nearby Glacier Bay spawned scientific interest in the recession of glaciers. In response, the U.S. National Park Service established Glacier Bay National Monument in 1925. Theodore Catton, Inhabited Wilderness: Indians, Eskimos and National Parks in Alaska (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1997), chap. 1.

[490] NAC, RG85, vol. 666 file 3968, R. Lowe to C. Stewart, Minister of the Interior, Ap10/23 and Yukon Council Resolution of 15 June 1923. The first two decades of the twentieth century witnessed a fevered attempt to restore, or at least maintain small herds of, the buffalo on the plains. It was from the preserved remnants managed by the national parks in western Canada that Lowe hoped to draw from for the Yukon herd. See Andrew Isenberg, The Destruction of the Bison: An Environmental History, 1750–1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), especially chap. 6. Brad Martin’s chapter in this volume notes similar proposals by the Muries for protecting caribou in northeastern Alaska in the 1930s.

[491] NAC, RG85, vol. 1193 file 400-2-8 vol. 1-A, GA Jeckell to HE Hume, 21 November 1932. This item is only one example of this oft-repeated refrain in correspondence.

[492] Theberge provides details on the contents of Ickes letter and the discussion between federal and territorial officials that led to the initial land withdrawal (“Kluane National Park,” 158–59).

[493] Canada, Order in Council, P.C. 11142, 8 December 1942, referenced in NAC, RG85, vol. 1390, file 406-11, letter 5 October 1944, T.A. Crear to H. Ickes.

[494] YA, YRG1, Series 3, vol. 11, file 12-23B, letter R.A. Gibson to A. Simmons, 22 April 1950. Gibson was reviewing the history of the Territorial game sanctuary legislation in this letter to the Yukon MP.

[495] Privy Council Resolution C 9030, noted in Theberge, “Kluane National Park,” 161–62.

[496] NAC, RG85, vol. 1191, file 400-2, pts. 1 & 2, C.H.D. Clark, “Extracts from: Biological Reconnaissance of Lands Adjacent to the Alaska Highway in Northern British Columbia and the Yukon Territory,” 18 June 1945, 5. Clark specifically noted the Pan-American Union Convention on Nature Protection and Wildlife Preservation in the western Hemisphere (1940) and its definition of a national park as a guide for his assessment of the Kluane area. “Areas established for the protection and preservation of superlative scenery, flora and fauna of national significance which the general public may enjoy and from which it may benefit when placed under public control.” The text quote is from p. 7 of the extracts. The Shorter Oxford English Dictionary, 5th ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), defines primeval from its Latin origins as first age, that is, the first age of the world from Creation, a Garden of Eden untainted by the knowledge of good and evil.

[497] Clark extracts, pp. 1, 4, and 10.

[498] Clark extracts, p. 3. Additional details in Lotenberg, Recognizing Diversity, 45, and Catharine McClellan, Part of the Land, Part of the Water: A History of the Yukon Indians (Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre, 1987), 278. Paul Nadasdy notes that Burwash Landing people “spoke of trap line registration as a very positive development, one that allowed them to protect their interests vis-à-vis Euro-Canadian trappers.” Personal communication, 23 November 2009. This point is more fully presented in chapter 5 of his Hunters and Bureaucrats, 239–41, and in Robert McCandless, Yukon Wildlife: A Social History (Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 1985).

[499] This section draws from a selection of almost sixty newspaper articles and editorials on the proposed national park published in the Dawson Daily News and the Whitehorse Star between 1940 and 1960. Jody Cox, Newspaper Survey of Parks Canada Presence in Southern Yukon 1940–1980, Parks Canada research mss., Whitehorse, 1995.

[500] “National Parks a Perpetual Asset,” Dawson News, 26 July 1941. The Dawson News, 15 July 1941 also noted that “by taking time off to relax and restore their energy [at national parks, Canadians] will be better equipped to carry on the nation’s war effort.” Most of the pieces that appeared in Yukon newspapers were likely the product of Robert Stead’s office, produced personally or under his direct supervision. Stead started as director of publicity for the Dominion government in 1918. In 1936, he picked up M.B. William’s mantle when he was appointed as Superintendent of Publicity and Information for the National Parks Bureau, authoring Canada’s Mountain Playgrounds – Banff, Jasper, Waterton Lakes, Yoho, Kootenay, Glacier, and Mt. Revelstoke National Parks (Department of Mines and Resources, National Parks Bureau, 1941). http://www.cartwrightmb.ca/rjstead/the-poet.html; accessed 24 June 2010.

[501] “Natural Museums of Wildlife,” Dawson News, 4 April 1946.

[502] NAC, RG85, vols. 1193 & 1194, file 400-2-8, pts. 1, 1A, 2 & 2AJ. Smart, Controller, Mines and Resources to RA Gibson, 24 December 1946, notes that the “full protection” extended to the animals “create[s] a reservoir for wildlife which will spread to other areas and eventually improve conditions in the adjacent area where hunting can be enjoyed during the shooting season.”

[503] G. Robertson, Administration for Development in Northern Canada: The Growth and Evolution of Government, Journal of the Institute of Public Administration in Canada 3, no. 4 (1960): 362. A few years later, Lester Pearson voiced similar sentiments with the reorganization of the Department in 1966: “the joining of Indian Affairs and Northern Development is a national step which cannot but strengthen both the well being of Canada’s indigenous peoples and the cause of northern expansion and development” from Lothian, Canada’s National Parks, 2:23, via David Neufeld, “Parks Canada and the Commemoration of the North: History and Heritage,” in Northern Visions: New Perspectives on the North in Canadian History, ed. Kerry Abel and Ken S. Coates, 190n14 (Peterborough, ON: Broadview, 2001).

[504] UAF Archives, Earnest Gruening Papers, Governor’s Alaska file, 1948–53, box 1, Confidential memo, Acting Chief, Bureau of Reclamation to Commissioner, Jy23/49, via Claus M. Naske, “The Taiya Project,” BC Studies 91–92 (1991–92): 20. At least some Whitehorse residents looked forward to abandoning their town to a reservoir and moving into modern new houses with plumbing and electricity up the hill. Ione Christenson, personal communication, Fall, 1995.

[505] Neufeld, “Parks Canada and the Commemoration of the North,” in Abel and Coates, Northern Visions, 59.

[506] Yukon Native Brotherhood, Together Today for Our Children Tomorrow: A Statement of Grievances and an Approach to the Settlement by the Yukon Indian People (Brampton: Charters Publishing, 1973), 11. http://www.eco.gov.yk.ca/pdf/together_today_for_our_children_tomorrow.pdf; accessed 5 August 2010.

[507] Lotenberg, Recognizing Diversity, 44.

[508] Personal communication, Spring, 1996.

[509] McClellan, Part of the Land, 94.

[510] YA, YRG1, Series 9, vol. 3, file10, Kjar to Brown, 19 May 19 1954, via Lotenberg, Recognizing Diversity, 30.

[511] NAC, RG85, vol. 1390, file 406-11, letter FHR Jackson, Forest Engineer and Park Superintendent to RA Gibson Director Lands, Parks and Forests Branch, Mines and Resources, 12 September 1946.

[512] NAC, RG85, vol. 1390, file 406-11, letter Jimmy Johnson – Chief and 15 others to JE Gibbon, 23 June 23 1946. The letter was “fully endorsed” and appears to have been prepared for the community by Father Eusebe Morisset, the Catholic missionary in Burwash Landing.

[513] NAC, RG85, vol. 1390, file 406-11, letter Jackson, to Gibson, 12 September 1946, describes this area as “west of the Donjek River between Wolverine, St Clair and Harris Creeks.” Hugh Bostock described “Rex Jackson [as] a sort of ‘jack of all trades’ as far as the civil administration went for the Yukon.” H.S. Bostock, Pack Horse Tracks: Recollections of a Geologists Life in British Columbia and the Yukon, 1924–1954 (Whitehorse: Geoscience Forum, 1990), 211.

[514] NAC, RG85, vol.1191, file 400-2, pts. 1–2, letter H. Bostock (Geologist, Mines and Resources) to R.A. Gibson (Director, Lands, Parks and Forests) No28, 1946. NAC, RG85, vols. 1193 & 1194, file 400-2-8, pts. 1, 1A, 2 & 2A. Bostock spent June, 1945, doing a field reconnaissance of the northern and western shores of Kluane Lake. Douglas Leechman, an archaeologist with the National Museum worked out of the same camp with Bostock and shared his findings which Bostock visited. Bostock, Pack Horse Trails, 211–20, notes his conversation with Eugene Jacquot. On “old Indian camps” see 216–17.

        The cited letter appears to be the first and main source of information describing Indians as being in the wrong place and running counter to their history. Bostock had close relations with other “old Yukon hands” in Ottawa and was clearly in contact with the “intelligent men” of the Fish and Game Association in Whitehorse. J. Smart, Controller, Mines and Resources to RA Gibson, directly references this report to support his own thoughts on wildlife management in southwestern Yukon in December, 1946.

        Elmer Harp, Jr., an archaeologist with the 1948 Andover-Harvard expedition, spent the summer doing a site survey north of Kluane Lake: North to the Yukon Territory via the Alaska Highway in 1948: Field Notes of the Andover-Harvard Expedition (Whitehorse: Yukon Tourism and Culture, 2005). His horses and guides all came from Burwash Landing and his field notes are rich in both field observations of camps and cabins and oral testimony from the men guiding him, several of whom were among those who signed the petition in 1946. It is clear many Burwash Landing families travelled and hunted north of Kluane Lake in the past (p.39) and that they had generally moved to the village that grew up around the Jacquots’ trading post some twenty to twenty-five years earlier (pp. 26 and 49). Interestingly, Harp used a sketch map prepared by Bostock to figure out his party’s route (p. 25).

[515] NAC (Burnaby Branch), RG10 DIAND, vol. 801/20-4, pts. 1–2. Letter R. Kendall Fur Supervisor for BC and Yukon and R.J. Meek, Superintendent, Indian Agency to H.R. Conn, Fur Supervisor, Indian Affairs, 20 June 1950. In August, 1948, after several perilous trips across Kluane Lake, Harp, who had served on the tiny PT boats during the war, observed, “Headed directly across in a slight quartering sea but the Josephine rolled & pitched as if we were in a gale. No wonder these people are afraid of the lake – they haven’t got a decent boat to put on it.” Harp, North to the Yukon, 84.

[516] NAC, RG85, vol. 1390, file 406-11, Note for file, 3 November 1950, by CK Le Capelain, Chief, Yukon-Mackenzie River Division.

[517] NAC, RG85, vol. 1390, file 406-11, Memo for deputy minister, 5 December 1950, from CK Le Capelain, Chief, Yukon-Mackenzie River Division and HF Lewis, Chief CWS.

[518] NAC, RG85, vol. 1390, file 406-11, Burwash Landing Indian Band, 5 January 1951, by AH Gibson, Yukon Commissioner. Cameron, a longtime RCMP constable/officer in Yukon, was the local “guide” for Kjar, whereas Kjar was an import from Alberta bringing with him new ideas of game management. Cameron’s opinion was more informed by experience in the north, and this is why Gibson cited him specifically.

[519] NAC, RG85, vol. 1390, file 406-11, A.W.F. Banfield, Investigation of wildlife conditions, Kluane Game Sanctuary, Y.T., 1951.

[520] The interpretation of this prevailing attitude relies upon Tim Ingold, The Perception of the Environment: Essays in Livelihood, Dwelling and Skill (London: Routledge, 2000). J. Igoe, “Global Indigenism and Spaceship Earth: Convergence, Space, and Re-Entry Friction.” Globalizations 2 (2005): 1–13, offers a survey of the troubled contemporary relationships between Indigenous peoples and conservation organizations, while Mark Dowie, “Conservation Refugees When Protecting Nature Means Kicking People Out,” Orion Magazine (Nov.–Dec. 2005), available at http://www.orionmagazine.org/index.php/articles/article/161/ (accessed 23 July 2010), describes the contemporary application of this continuing process.

[521] NAC, RG85, vol. 1390, file 406-11, vol. 1-A, RA Gibson to A. Simmons (MP) 22 April 1950; NAC, RG10, vol. 6761, file 420-12-2-RT-1, RJ Meek to Indian Affairs Branch, 15 March 195

[522] Kendall’s investigation in 1950, NAC, RG10, vol. 6761, file 420-12-2-RT-1; AWF Banfield’s report and related correspondence, NAC, RG85, vol. 1390, file 406-11, vol. 1-A, HF Lewis to Smart, 13 November 1951.

[523] NAC, RG10, vol. 801/20-9, pts. 2-3, letter AE Fry, Indian Agent to Indian Commissioner BC, 22 February 1963.

[524] Cattails and phragmites were thought to improve the habitat and increase muskrat production. NAC (Burnaby Branch), RG10, vol. 801/20-1, pt. 1, DJ McIntosh to Indian Commissioner for BC, 11 February 1965.

[525] NAC, RG10, vol. 801/20-9, pts. 2-3, letter AE Fry, Indian Agent to Commissioner GR Cameron, 23 July 1963.

[526] NAC, RG84, A-2-a, vol. 1985, file U2-21-1 pt. 3, letter AM Pearson to Regional Superintendent CWS, 10 July 1963, emphasis in original.

[527] NAC, RG10, vol. 801/20-9, pts. 2-3, letter AE Fry, Indian Agent to Indian Commissioner BC, 22 February 1963.

[528] NAC, RG10, vol. 801/20-9, pts. 2-3, Minutes, Meeting held at Burwash Indian Village, 30 October 1961.

[529] NAC, RG84, A-2-a, vol. 1985, file U2-21-1 pt. 3, letter JRB Coleman to JH Gordon, Indian Affairs, 4 September 1963.

[530] NAC, RG109 CWS, WLYT (Wild Life Yukon Territory), vol. 300 W.A. Fuller, Mammalogist to F.H. Collins, 4 March 1958.

[531] Paul Kopas, Taking the Air: Ideas and Change in Canada’s National Parks (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2007), 48–50. There was increasing pressure through the late 1950s for the establishment of multi-use parks. Alvin Hamilton, Diefenbaker’s minister responsible for national parks, viewed conservation as “using our resources as rationally as we can [and,] … whenever possible, a multiple use of our resources.” In addition to developing the reserve idea to forestall such a development, the Parks Branch also worked actively to develop public support for parks. Their efforts, and direct investment, resulted in the establishment of the National and Provincial Parks Association of Canada (NPPAC) in 1963, which subsequently evolved into the Canadian Parks and Wilderness Society (CPAWS). William Baker, a key figure in the establishment of the NPPAC, was contracted by the Parks Branch to prepare a survey of potential northern national parks. His 1963 report characterized the North as “The Frontier Recreation Region.” NAC, RG84, A-2-A, vol. 11983, file U2-20, pt. 2 (1962–68).

[532] NAC, RG84, A-2-A, vol. 11983, file U2-20, pt. 2 (1962–68), emphasis in original.

[533] Personal communication, summer, 1992.

[534] Canada, National Parks Service – Planning, Yukon National Park Proposal: Background Data Report, Planning Report 72, Ottawa, October, 1969.

[535] The 1969 IUCN General Assembly in New Delhi passed a resolution defining a national park as: “a relatively large area 1) where one or several ecosystems are not materially altered by-human [sic] exploitation or occupation, where plant and animal species, geomorphological sites and habitats are of special scientific, educative and recreative interest or which contains a natural landscape of great beauty and 2) where the central authority of the country has taken steps to prevent or eliminate as soon as possible exploitation or occupation in the whole area and to enforce effectively the respect of ecological, geomorphological or aesthetic features which have led to its establishment and 3) where visitors are allowed to enter under special conditions for inspiratio al, [sic] educative, cultural and recreative purposes.” Emphasis in original. NAC, RG84, vol. 2294, file C-1070-112, pt. 1-4.

[536] The White Paper is formally known as Statement of the Government of Canada on Indian Policy, 1969, presented to the first session of the twenty-eighth Parliament by the Honourable Jean Chrétien, Minister of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, Early Canadiana Online, http://www.canadiana.org/ECO/ItemRecord/9_07786; accessed 24 September 2009.

[537] Yukon Native Brotherhood, Together Today for Our Children Tomorrow.

[538] Catherine McClellan, Part of the Land, 99–104, summarizes the history of Indian organizations in the Yukon.

[539] “Citizens Plus” was first suggested in A Survey of the Contemporary Indians of Canada, vols. I and II, ed. H.B. Hawthorn (Ottawa, Indian Affairs Branch, 1966–67). The Indian Association of Alberta subsequently promoted the idea in their response to the 1969 White Paper as Citizens Plus in June 1970.

[540] Whitehorse Star, “Nishga Land Claim Rejected,” 31 January 1973, and “Indian Land Claim Revealed: They want land control and money,” 14 February 1973.

[541] “C.Y.I. Opposes Park and Power Line …,” Whitehorse Star, 12 December 1973, “land-grab policy” from Chief Elijah Smith, House of Commons, Issue No. 29, 12 December 1973, Minutes of Proceedings and Evidence of the Standing Committee on Indian Affairs and Northern Development, p. 29:132 and “(3) Any land …” from Miss Flora MacDonald, MP, ibid., p. 29:133. Theberge, however, demonstrates that it was the NDP that ultimately proposed the amendment to the Act at its third reading in April, 1974, p. 182.

[542] NAC (Burnaby Branch) RG10, vol. 801/1-19-11, pt. 1, Minutes, Meeting of the Kluane Native Liaison Committee, 29 May 1975. item (6).

[543] Thanks to Anne Landry, Parks Canada, for her explanation of the complicated circumstances of national park designation in the southwest Yukon Territory. Final Agreement between the Government of Canada, the Champagne and Aishihik First Nations and the Government of the Yukon, 1993. http://www.eco.gov.yk.ca/pdf/champagne_aishihik_fa.pdf; and Final Agreement among the Government of Canada and Kluane First Nation and the Government of the Yukon, 2003 http://www.eco.gov.yk.ca/pdf/kluane_final_agreement.pdf; both accessed 22 June 2010.

        The White River First Nation also has interests in those western portions of the game sanctuary not included in Kluane National Park Reserve.

        CBC News, 24 April 2008, Kluane Park may open up to First Nations hunters , http://www.cbc.ca/canada/north/story/2008/04/23/kluane-park.html; accessed 25 April 2008.

        A description of the post-1974 Parks Canada approach to Indigenous issues at Kluane National Park and Reserve is included in D. Neufeld, “Indigenous Peoples and Protected Heritage Areas: Acknowledging Cultural Pluralism,” chap. 10 in Transforming Parks: Protected Areas Policy and Governance in a Changing World , ed. Kevin Hannah, Douglas Clark and Scott Slocombe (London: Routledge, 2007).

[544] Boaventura de Sousa Santos, “Beyond Abyssal Thinking: From Global Lines to Ecologies of Knowledges,” Eurozine, 29 June 2007, and Scott, Seeing Like a State. James Tully suggests the acceptance of cultural pluralism means a state with distinct cultural groupings constantly negotiating with each other on the basis of mutual recognition, respecting the continuity of group traditions with governance rising from consent. James Tully, Strange Multiplicity: Constitutionalism in an Age of Diversity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 116.

[545] John Sandlos, “Federal Spaces, Local Conflicts: National Parks and the Exclusionary Politics of the Conservation Movement in Ontario, 1900–1935,” Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 16 (2005): 293–318; ibid., “Not Wanted in the Boundary: The Expulsion of the Keeseekowenin Ojibway Band from Riding Mountain National Park,” Canadian Historical Review 89, no. 2 (2008): 189–221.

[546] See, for example, Roderick P. Neumann, Imposing Wilderness: Struggles Over Livelihood and Nature Preservation in Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998); Nancy Lee Peluso, Rich Forests, Poor People: Resource Control and Resistance in Java (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992); David Anderson and Richard H. Gove, Conservation in Africa: Peoples, Policies, and Practice (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Raymond L. Bryant, The Political Ecology of Forestry in Burma, 1824–1994 (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1997); Dawn Chatty and Marcus Colchester, eds., Conservation and Mobile Indigenous Peoples: Displacement, Forced Settlement, and Sustainable Development (Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2002); Ramachandra Guha, The Unquiet Woods: Ecological Change and Peasant Resistance in the Himalaya (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989); James Fairhead and Melissa Leach, Misreading the African Landscape: Society and Ecology in a Forest Savanna Mosaic (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Mahesh Rangarajan, Fencing the Forest: Conservation and Ecological Change in India’s Central Provinces, 1860–1914 (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1996); Mark David Spence, Dispossessing the Wilderness: Indian Removal and the Making of the National Parks (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999); John Sandlos, Hunters at the Margin: Native People and Wildlife Conservation in the Northwest Territories (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2007); ibid., “From the Outside Looking In: Aesthetics, Politics, and Wildlife Conservation in the Canadian North,” Environmental History 6, no. 1 (2001): 6–31; Tina Loo, States of Nature: Conserving Canada’s Wildlife in the Twentieth Century (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2006); Karl Jacoby, Crimes against Nature: Squatters, Poachers, Thieves, and the Hidden History of American Conservation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001).

[547] Binnema and Niemi have argued that exclusionary wilderness values did not play a central role in the establishment of Banff National Park. See Theodore Binnema and Melanie Niemi, “‘Let the Line be Drawn Now’: Wilderness, Conservation, and the Exclusion of Aboriginal People from Banff National Park in Canada,” Environmental History 11, no. 4 (2006): 724–50.

[548] Paul Kopas, Taking the Air: Ideas and Change in Canada’s National Parks (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2007): 37–66. On high modernism, see James C. Scott, Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1998).

[549] For a scholarly development of this criticism, see Richard West Sellars, Preserving Nature in the National Parks: A History (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1997).

[550] On agency plans to expand the park system into the North in the 1960s, see Lloyd Brooks and Harold Eidsvik, National Park Potentials: Northwest Territories and Yukon: Report of Field Operations and Recommendations (Ottawa: Department of Northern Affairs and National Resources, National Parks Branch, 1963). See also W.M. Baker, Prospects for National Park Development in Parts of the Yukon and Northwest Territories. Report prepared for the National Parks Branch, Department of Northern Affairs and National Resources, May 1963. On public concerns about the fragility of the Canadian Arctic during this period, see P. Whitney Lackenbauer and Matthew Farish, “The Cold War on Canadian Soil: Militarizing a Northern Environment,” Environmental History 12 (2007): 932–36, and John Livingston, Arctic Oil: The Destruction of the North? (Toronto: CBC Merchandising, 1981). On the impact of the creation of Rocky Mountains Park, later Banff National Park, on the Stoney Indians, see Binnema and Niemi, “‘Let the Line be Drawn Now’,” and Janet Foster, Working for Wildlife: The Beginnings of Preservation in Canada, 2nd ed. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998), 30, 84. On the exclusion of Aboriginal peoples and other local residents from Point Pelee, Georgian Bay Islands, and Riding Mountain National Parks, see Sandlos, “Federal Spaces, Local Conflicts” and “Not Wanted in the Boundary.” On the impact of the creation of Wood Buffalo National Park on Aboriginal peoples, see Sandlos, Hunters at the Margin, 23–108.

[551] Peter Kulchyski and Frank James Tester, Kiumajut (Talking Back): Game Management and Inuit Rights, 1900–1970 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2007). For criticisms of co-management arrangements with northern Aboriginal peoples, see Paul Nadasdy, Hunters and Bureaucrats: Power, Knowledge, and Aboriginal-State Relations in the Southwest Yukon (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2003); ibid., “Re-evaluating the Co-Management Success Story,” Arctic 56, no. 4 (2003): 367–80; Sandlos, “Wildlife Conservation in the North: Historic Approaches and their Consequences; Seeking Insights for Contemporary Resource Management” (paper presented at the Canadian Parks for Tomorrow Conference, Calgary, Alberta, 8–12 May 2008).

[552] For seminal works in subaltern studies, see the scholarship of Ranajit Guha and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak. In recent years, historians of conservation in North America have drawn from the work of subaltern scholars. See, especially, Jacoby, Crimes against Nature; Spence, Dispossessing the Wilderness; Loo, States of Nature; Sandlos, Hunters at the Margin; Louis S. Warren, The Hunter’s Game: Poachers and Conservationists in Twentieth-Century America (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1997); Sherrill E. Grace, Canada and the Idea of North (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2001), 229–60; Julie Cruikshank, The Social Life of Stories: Narrative and Knowledge in the Yukon Territory (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1998); ibid., Do Glaciers Listen? Local Knowledge, Colonial Encounters, and Social Imagination (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2005).

[553] Theodore Catton, Inhabited Wilderness: Indians, Eskimos, and National Parks in Alaska (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1997); Spence, Dispossessing the Wilderness.

[554] On the trend toward managing protected areas as cultural landscapes in Canada, see Guy S. Swinnerton and Susan Buggey, “Protected Landscapes in Canada: Current Practice and Future Significance,” George Wright Forum 21, no. 2 (2004): 78–92. On the international dimensions of this trend, see Richard W. Longstreth, ed., Cultural Landscapes: Balancing Nature and Heritage in Preservation (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2008); Stan Stevens, ed., Conservation through Cultural Survival: Indigenous Peoples and Protected Areas (Washington, DC: Island Press, 1997); Vasant Saberwal, Mahesh Rangarajan, and Ashish Kothari, People, Parks, and Wildlife: Towards Coexistence (New Delhi: Orient Longman, 2001); Patrick C. West and Steven R. Brechin, eds., Resident Peoples and National Parks: Social Dilemmas and Strategies in International Conservation (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1991).

[555] Kevin A. McNamee, “The Northern Yukon,” Probe Post 13 (1984): 13–16; A National Wildlife Area in the Northern Yukon and Northwest Territories (Ottawa: Canadian Wildlife Service, 1979); Northern Yukon – A Natural Area of Canadian Significance (Ottawa: Parks Canada, 1978); “What Future for Northern Yukon?” Beaufort Outlook 1 (1982): 1–8; Constance Hunt, Rusty Miller, and Donna Tingley, Wilderness Area: Legislative Alternatives for the Establishment of a Wilderness Area in the Northern Yukon (Ottawa: Canadian Arctic Resources Committee, 1979); George W. Calef, “The Urgent Need for a Canadian Arctic Wildlife Range,” Nature Canada 3, no. 3 (1974): 3–10; Parks Canada and the Canadian Wildlife Service, “Why the Yukon North of the Porcupine River Should be Protected as a Wilderness Area,” 29 June 1978; Beaufort Sea Alliance, The Northern Yukon: A National Priority, 2 December 1983.

        For broader discussions of resource development in the Canadian North during the 1960s and 1970s, see Robert Page, Northern Development: The Canadian Dilemma (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1986); Edgar J. Dosman, The National Interest: The Politics of Northern Development, 1968–1975 (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1975); Richard Rohmer, The Arctic Imperative: An Overview of the Energy Crisis (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1973); Gurston Dacks, A Choice of Futures: Politics in the Canadian North (Toronto: Methuen, 1981).

[556] Peter A. Coates, The Trans-Alaska Pipeline Controversy: Technology, Conservation, and the Frontier (Anchorage: University of Alaska Press, 1993), 95–110; John M. Kauffmann, Alaska’s Brooks Range: The Ultimate Mountains (Seattle: The Mountaineers, 1992), 97–111; Margaret Murie and Terry Tempest, Two in the Far North (Alaska Northwest Books, 2003).

[557] “Proceedings of the Arctic International Wildlife Range Conference, October 20–22, Whitehorse, Yukon Territory,” University of British Columbia Law Review 6, no. 1 (1971), 1–107.

[558] Letter from Chief Alfred Charlie to Jean Chrétien, 29 October 1969, Library and Archives Canada (hereafter LAC), RG108, acc. 1989-90/079, box 47, file 9192-82/12, pt. 1.

[559] Thomas R. Berger, Northern Frontier, Northern Homeland: The Report of the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry, rev. ed. (Toronto: Douglas & McIntyre, 1988), 58–79.

[560] Parks Canada, The Firth River, Yukon Territory: A Wild Rivers Survey Descriptive Report (Ottawa: National Parks Service Planning Division, 1972); Ian McNeil, Firth River Area: New Park Resource Analysis Report (Ottawa: Indian and Northern Affairs, 1977).

[561] Berger, Northern Frontier, Northern Homeland, 127–62, 213–56; Martin O’Malley, The Past and Future Land: An Account of the Berger Inquiry into the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline (Toronto: P. Martin Associates, 1976).

[562] Many scholars have examined the links between the northern environment and Canadian national identity. For fresh and sophisticated perspectives, see Eric Kaufmann, “‘Naturalizing the Nation’: The Rise of Naturalistic Nationalism in the United States and Canada,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 40 (1998): 666–95; Renisa Mawani, “Legalities of Nature: Law, Empire, and Wilderness Landscapes in Canada,” Social Identities 13, no. 6 (2007): 715–34; and Grace, Canada and the Idea of North, 45–75. See also Renée Hulan, Northern Experience and the Myths of Canadian Culture (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2002); and John Moss, Enduring Dreams: An Exploration of Arctic Landscape (Concord, ON: House of Anansi Press, 1996).

[563] Parks Canada, The Firth River; Ian McNeil, Firth River Area; Terry Fenge, “National Parks in the Canadian Arctic: The Case of the Nunavut Land Claim Agreement,” Environments 22 (1993): 22; Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, National Parks System Planning Manual (Ottawa: Parks Canada, 1971). For an analysis of the System Plan, see Kopas, Taking the Air, 53–63.

[564] “Faulkner Announces Public Consultation for Six Arctic Wilderness Areas in National Parks System,” Communique 1–7792 (Ottawa: Department of Indian and Northern Affairs, 23 January 1978).

[565] Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, Living Treaties, Lasting Agreements: Report of the Task Force to Review Comprehensive Claims Policy (Ottawa: DIAND, 1985); J.R. Miller, Skyscrapers Hide the Heavens: A History of Indian-White Relations in Canada, 3rd ed. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2000), 343; Christa Scholtz, Negotiating Claims: The Emergence of Indigenous Land Claim Negotiation Policies in Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United States (New York: Routledge, 2006), 68–72.

[566] Peter Kulchyski, Like the Sound of a Drum: Aboriginal Cultural Politics in Denendeh and Nunavut (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 2005); Ailsa Henderson, Nunavut: Rethinking Political Culture (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2008); Ken S. Coates, Best Left As Indians: Native-White Relations in the Yukon Territory, 1840–1973 (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1991), 231–43; Robert McPherson, New Owners in their Own Land: Minerals and Inuit Land Claims (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 2003), 57–87, 121–58, 203–68; Peter Cumming, “Canada’s North and Native Rights,” in Aboriginal People and the Law: Indian, Metis and Inuit Rights in Canada, ed. Bradford W. Morse, 695–764 (Ottawa: Carleton University Press, 1985); John David Hamilton, Arctic Revolution: Social Change in the Northwest Territories, 1935–1994 (Toronto: Dundurn Press, 1994).

[567] On the origins of COPE, see Peter Usher, History of COPE (Ottawa: COPE, 1973), 20–23; COPE, Our Land, Our Life: COPE Information Kit, n.d. (ca. December 1972), copy in Committee for Original Peoples Entitlement Archives (hereafter COPE Archives), Inuvik, Northwest Territories, 8–9; Barry A. Hochstein, “New Rights or No Rights?: COPE and the Federal Government of Canada” (MA thesis, University of Calgary, 1987), 49–106; Barry Scott Zellen, Breaking the Ice: From Land Claims to Tribal Sovereignty in the Arctic (Lanham, MD: Lexington, 2008), 140–43, 156–60.

[568] Peter J. Usher, The Bankslanders: Economy and Ecology of a Frontier Trapping Community (Ottawa: Information Canada, 1971); Gary William Wagner, “Implementing the Environmental Assessment Provisions of a Comprehensive Aboriginal Land Rights Settlement,” (MA thesis, University of Waterloo, 1996), 22; Douglas Pimlott, Dougald Brown, and Kenneth Sam, Oil under the Ice (Ottawa: Canadian Arctic Resources Committee, 1976); Zellen, Breaking the Ice, 193–94; COPE press release, 9 September 1971, COPE Archives.